Recurring gang violence proves a difficult cycle to break in Haiti

AP Photo/Odelyn Joseph

Haiti’s capital, Port-au-Prince, has been taken over by gangs since the first quarter of 2024. The current state of Haiti is dire; the international airport is closed, prisoners have been unlawfully released, police departments are being torched, and educational and medical campuses are being razed to the ground. This situation has been going on for years; in late 2023, the UN National Security Council authorized the Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission to Haiti, which was partially deployed in June 2024; the mission was intended to support the Haitian police in training, operations, and in regaining control of the capital. In response to the presence of the Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission, many gangs have begun to leave the capital and conquer new territory, while the MSS mission struggles to maintain its newly acquired control over some areas of the capital.

A few weeks ago, interim Prime Minister Garry Conille was giving an interview with CNN when they were forced to take cover from gunfire. Shortly after, gangs attacked a school for deaf children on the outskirts of Port-Au-Prince, which was followed by an attack by the “400 Mawozo gang” in Ganthier, killing at least two people and giving the MSS mission an inconclusive, delayed response. If Ganthier falls to the gangs, they only have to take two more towns before the gangs control a stretch of land from the capital to the Dominican border that is porous and would provide easier access to the illegal arms trade.

The capital’s lawless state, now spreading to other parts of the country, has seen more than 3 million people flee in fear for their lives by April 2024, a number that has likely only increased since then. While many have resorted to mass emigration, most recently resulting in the deaths of 40 migrants in a boat fire off the coast of Haiti on July 19, others have fled to more rural areas of the country, creating food insecurity for more than half of Haiti’s population. With mass displacement within the country, there has been a severe increase in acute hunger and health crises, most notably a recent spike in cholera cases earlier this year. Port-au-Prince’s health care system is currently collapsing, with hospitals being attacked and commandeered by gangs, while medical professionals are fleeing their posts. Not only does this increase the deaths from gang violence, as it prevents people with gunshot wounds from accessing health care, but it also endangers the next generation of Port-au-Prince, as pregnant women are unable to receive medical support during their pregnancies and deliveries. One of the last remaining health care facilities, The Higgins Brothers Surgicenter for Hope, located about seven miles outside of Ganthier, recently encouraged its staff to relocate for their safety, further exacerbating the lack of access to health care.

Haiti’s future hangs in the balance as the dissolution of the capital places Haitian children at a particularly vulnerable crossroads. Cholera poses a more serious threat to children, with many at risk of malnutrition. Port-au-Prince’s children are growing up in an increasingly destabilized country. Using the instability to their advantage, gangs have increased the recruitment and membership of children. UNICEF reports that child membership accounts for about half of the gangs’ total population. These figures reflect a younger generation’s bleak view of Port-au-Prince’s future and underscore the need to prioritize reintegration under Conille’s leadership.

A former police officer and internationally sanctioned criminal, Jimmy Cherizier, heads Haiti’s largest gang alliance, the G9 Family and Allies. 400 Mawozo is part of GPep, G9’s historic rival, though the two worked together to push the company to oust former Prime Minister Ariel Henry. On July 25, there were unconfirmed reports, along with videos circulating on social media, of G9 and GPep reaching a new peaceful compromise in Cité Soleil, a commune in Port-au-Prince. If true, this compromise has already deteriorated, as evidenced by shots fired during and after interim Prime Minister Conille’s CNN interview, as well as new outbreaks of gang violence in several Port-au-Prince neighborhoods. This is in line with previous gang alliance peace treaties; there was a previous ceasefire brokered in July 2023, which fell apart less than a month later.

Organized crime and gang activity are not new to Haiti; these afflictions have surfaced several times in the country’s history, and politicians have historically relied on gangs to maintain their political positions. However, gangs now operate independently of the political system, using extortion, small arms smuggling, kidnapping for ransom, drug trafficking, rape and sexual violence, looting, and mass murder to control the capital and finance their activities. The resulting power vacuum has created the potential for Russian and Chinese influence to spread to the Caribbean. Similar power vacuums and governance gaps in the Sahel have enabled the spread of Russian and Chinese influence, including through private military companies.

Garry Conille has been appointed interim Prime Minister of Haiti to form a transitional government and restore a peaceful society with democratic elections in February 2026. Three members of the Presidential Transition Council have been accused of corruption, which is not unusual for countries in such situations; they are currently being investigated by a government anti-corruption agency and have claimed innocence. Conille has already begun rallying international support for Haiti, visiting Washington, DC, in early July and meeting with the 400 MSS troops recently deployed to Haiti. However, the MSS mission, which operates outside the traditional UN peacekeeping framework, has struggled to raise the funds needed to succeed.

The deployment of MSS raises several concerns among those familiar with previous UN peacekeeping interventions in the country, as well as the Kenyan police force, both of which have a reputation for excessive use of force and sexual abuse. To combat this, the mission was designed to support the Haitian National Police Force, as its name suggests; the joint work is aimed at reducing the likelihood of abuse of civilians.

The U.S. has provided $369 million in financial support for the MSS mission, but this support addresses the symptoms, rather than the root causes, of Haiti’s problems. The U.S. illicit arms market supplies the majority of Haiti’s weapons, as arms trafficking through Florida’s shipping lanes is widespread. Southern states with weaker gun laws create an environment in which it is easy to obtain multiple small arms that can be traded. Furthermore, shipping is a less controlled form of trade, allowing many smuggled crates to pass through official trade channels without being detected; similar events occur with small, private planes flying directly from southern U.S. states to Haiti. U.S. support for the MSS mission, which plays a role in Haiti’s illicit arms trade, drug trafficking, and corrupt political history, creates a sense of conflicting U.S. priorities for Haitian citizens.

The MSS mission has made early progress, but it still lacks funding, soldiers, ships, air support, and adequately armed vehicles, making land operations difficult. Haiti’s future is uncertain, currently trending toward anarchy, but with the potential to return to civilized society with Conille at the helm.