After Venezuela’s elections, criminal groups are working for or against the regime

On the morning of July 29, a few hours after the announcement of the controversial results of the presidential election in Venezuela, the sound of pots and pans could be heard in the 23 de Enero neighborhood in Caracas, a stronghold of Chavismo and a pillar of the “Bolivarian Revolution.” Residents of the neighborhood, where the remains of former President Hugo Chávez lie, protested in rejection of President Nicolás Maduro’s declaration of victory.

In 23 de Enero, it wasn’t just Chávez’s eyes, painted every few meters on the walls, that were watching the residents. Armed pro-government civilian groups shouted collectives also kept watch. In the days following the vote, they mobilized, with government protection, to leave written messages on the houses or streets outside the front doors of opponents, activists, and citizens who came to march.

The colectivos have long been a weapon of state repression, and this time was no different. They are known as hybrid groups, because they maintain a symbiotic relationship with the state, through which they systematically collaborate and cooperate. And they are not alone. In border areas, the National Liberation Army (Ejército de Liberación Nacional – ELN) has carried out threats against protesters and even pressured them to vote.

SEE ALSO: Tren del Llano criminal profile

Other criminal groups, such as the Tren del Llano, have declared war on the regime, opening up a battlefield in which the civilian population is at the mercy of the enemy.

The roles played by non-state armed groups, whether hostile or hybrid, in the wake of Venezuela’s election results have agendas that reflect their specific interests. While some seek to maintain the criminal status quo in Venezuela, others seek to regain ground amid the struggle against the government. Waves of protests have rocked the country following allegations of electoral fraud by Maduro, and the repression of demonstrations has been fierce. To date, 23 people have been killed, according to media reports, and between 1,500 and over 2,500 have been detained, according to human rights groups.

InSight Crime examines three different responses by criminal gangs in Venezuela following the elections.

The Return of the Colectivos

After operating in the shadows for a long time, the colectivos have returned to the spotlight in one of the most crucial moments for the government. Since the presidential elections, They have been mobilized by the Venezuelan regime, which confirms once again that they are a strategic tool to spread protests.

The repression by the colectivos began long before Maduro was declared the winner. In Monaco, for example, the colectivos carried out armed attacks on citizens at polling stations, injuring an elderly woman.

This was just the beginning. In Caracas, colectivos were deployed during protests and shot at civilians in front of police officers, demonstrating their collaboration with government officials. According to newspaper reports, at least six people have been killed by colectivos.

SEE ALSO:Predictions for Venezuela’s post-election criminal landscape

One of the sectors most affected by colectivos is the 23 de Enero neighborhood in Caracas, specifically the Sierra Maestra and La Piedrita sectors. Both sectors have been under the control of the Piedrita colectivo for years, one of the best-known and most violent of these groups, which has sworn to defend the Bolivarian Revolution “at all costs.”

The regime’s use of the colectivos is a win-win strategy for both sides. On the one hand, reliance on paramilitary forces prevents high-ranking members of the security forces from being held accountable in international courts in the short term, while government protection helps the colectivos secure control over criminal economies and key territories.

Guerrilla takes a low profile at the border

The ELN, which has a presence in the states of Táchira and Apure on the Colombian border, helped secure votes for Maduro ahead of elections in July. But after election day, the Colombian guerrilla group has acted cautiously.

The ELN’s usual role in Venezuelan elections stems from its interdependent relationship with the government. It needs the regime’s approval to operate freely, while the state needs its presence to help maintain social and criminal control.

InSight Crime requested statements from multiple sources in both Táchira and Apure, but ongoing threats against civilians and journalists made it difficult to gather more testimonies about the ELN’s actions in the area.

SEE ALSO: When terror ravaged Guarico, Venezuela

According to a resident of Lobatera, a small municipality in Táchira who spoke to InSight Crime anonymously due to security concerns, the ELN patrolled the streets before and during election day to get residents to vote for Maduro. “They were intimidating and people didn’t stop halfway. People voted against it. That’s Chavista territory, but people lost their fear,” he said.

At night they were there again, stealing and instilling fear to avoid protests. “They were pointing (firearms) at the boys. They were telling them to stop calling people (to protest) and that what was going to happen was their fault and that they should leave,” he said.

In San Pedro del Río, a town in the municipality of Ayacucho, citizen reports claim that the guerrillas were responsible for leaving graffiti threatening anyone who dared to protest. In El Nula, Apure, they reportedly held meetings with sectors of society to encourage them to vote for Maduro, a resident told InSight Crime on condition of anonymity. Meanwhile, in the municipality of Romulo Gallegos, the group prevented opposition workers from going to polling stations in rural areas. According to published reports, the opposition won in both places.

The absence of violent actions against residents is a cautious strategy for the ELN, possibly aimed at avoiding more attention from the international community, which is closely monitoring the situation in Venezuela. Moreover, the role of the ELN in scenarios of social repression could also be a double-edged sword in the peace negotiations with the Colombian government, in which Caracas has participated as a mediator.

Tren del Llano goes against Maduro

The criminal group Tren del Llano, on the other hand, has rebelled against Maduro, who has carried out a series of attacks on the gang, starting in a local prison. Amid the political turmoil, this group has seized the opportunity to reinforce its reputation as “Robin Hood,” claiming that it will defend people from the repression orchestrated by the regime.

The gang has used social media to threaten security forces, including a video featuring the group’s alleged leader, Óscar de Jesús Noguera Hernández, alias ‘Óscar del Llano’.

“We are making this video to make an appeal to the armed forces and the public forces of the state. We do not want to generate more violence. My advice is that, listening to the people, they stay in their trenches and let the people decide and install and remove who they want to put and who they have to remove,” said Noguera Hernández, one of Venezuela’s 10 most wanted criminals.

The Tren del Llano appear to be using the political situation as an excuse to take to the streets and retake areas they lost to government repression, and to increase their resources. A video showed them trying to enter a police station. The gangs’ stance also helps to bolster their reputation among residents who may be opposed to the security forces because of the serious human rights violations they committed in Guárico, such as those recorded in Operation Thunder. This is despite the Tren de Llano’s own reputation for brutal violence in pursuit of their own goals.

But the uprising against Maduro’s government has not gone unnoticed. Since August 6, some 6,000 soldiers have been deployed to Guárico, the birthplace and base of Tren del Llano, and several members of the gang have been arrested. So far, it is unclear how long the regime can sustain such a deployment, as military resources are also being used to manage anti-government protests across the country.

The Tren del Llano has shown a high level of criminal resilience, surviving the death of its leaders, fragmentations and heavy state operations against it. But the new insult against Maduro could be severely punished by the regime as an example to them, and as a warning to other non-aligned groups considering following the same path.

Main image: Threatening graffiti in municipalities along the Venezuela-Colombia border. Credit: @lorearraiz / X