Now that I’m currently in my residency period due to my ongoing research paper for my MA, I decided to procrastinate by writing a post about Cavite’s long history of banditry and the province’s transformation from a dangerous hinterland into a suburban sprawl that it is today. This also serves as my practice for writing more research papers in the future lol.

The reason as to why I want to share this topic is because most Filipinos have this idea about Cavite being this weird place riddled with criminal activity that people avoid while at the same time a place where they can emulate the Filipino version of the “American Dream” by living in the numerous suburban sprawls or “subdivisions” that is currently spreading in the province. Memes about Cavite has become popular at the start of this decade, mostly coming from the now-defunct Facebook group “Cavite: Florida ng Pinasposting” humorously comparing the province to the aforementioned US state due to their supposed similarities. I would like to share the historical underpinnings of such notoriety about the province and the lessons that we can learn not only about appreciating Filipino local history, which is lackluster in the grand scheme of things despite the volumes of research done by academic historians, but also lessons that provide opportunities and economic development in in far-flung places outside of Metro Manila.

This post will mostly rely on the works of foremost Cavite historian Isagani R. Medina and the books published by the Cavite Historical Society and De La Salle University Dasmariñas – Cavite Studies Center. I’ll put my references as well as some appendixes that readers might find interesting.

Table of Contents

1. Background
2. Bandit Infestation
3. Pacification Activities
4. Tulisanismo after Independence
5. Nardong Putik – The Last Tulisan
6. The Modernization of Cavite
7. Conclusion
8. References

Background

The Province of Cavite is geographically divided into two main areas: the highlands (sometimes referred to as uplands) and the lowlands. Although you may occasionally hear the term midlands, its definition can be quite subjective, as people have different opinions on which towns and cities in Cavite fall under this category. For simplicity’s sake, we’ll focus on the two primary divisions as provided by Medina: highlands and lowlands. You can see on this map the boundaries of these towns and cities relative to their elevation:

Source: https://cavitephils.wordpress.com/2015/03/09/topography/

The following towns and cities are considered part of the highlands:

• Alfonso
• Amadeo
• Carmona
• Dasmariñas
• General Emilio Aguinaldo (formerly Bailén)
• General Mariano Alvarez
• Indang
• Magallanes
• Maragondon
• Mendez-Nunez
• Silang
• Tagaytay City

While the below towns and cities are considered as lowlands:

• Bacoor
• Cavite City
• Gen. Trias
• Imus
• Kawit
• Naic
• Noveleta
• Rosario
• Tanza
• Ternate
• Trece Martires

Due to their riverside orientation, some towns are divided into two areas: “Ilaya,” which refers to the upper part of the town (upstream), and “Ibaba,” referring to the lower part (downstream or “ibayo”) or the opposite side of the river. This division is evident in place names such as Sulsugin Ilaya and Sulsugin Ibaba in Alfonso, or Ibayong Ilaya and Ibayong Ibaba in Brgy. Buna Cerca, Indang.

Cavite’s terrain is characterized by a diverse and intricate landscape that ranges from dense forests to complex river networks. The province features heavily forested regions that are notoriously difficult to access, such as those found in the lower reaches of Salitran and the expansive wooded areas stretching from Santa Cruz de Malabon through Naic, Indang, Maragondon, and extending up to Nasugbu in Batangas. Encircling Cavite is a complex network of twelve rivers, known to the Spaniards as Los Doce Apostoles, their banks obscured by thick vegetation. The region’s terrain includes thick mangrove swamps along the coast, which provide natural barriers and cover.

Additionally, the area is dotted with thick bamboo groves, cogon grass, and wild sugarcanes (or talahib), which offer natural protection and concealment. The rivers, often set at considerable distances from populated areas, further complicate access and navigation. Notable features include the Cañas River and the Caycuit forest in Indang, both of which historically served as crucial points for various activities. The Maragondon and Batas Rivers, alongside Capantayan functioned as vital routes for communication and transport, while Sapang (now part of Ternate) and Caputatan near Naic provided protective cover and strategic locations. The uninhabited spaces between Silang and Imus, where local farmers and animal raisers lived, were also prominent areas with their own challenges due to the dense vegetation and difficult terrain.

During the pre-colonial period, both lowland and highland towns were settled around the same time. However, the title of the oldest town in Cavite is still debated, with Kawit and Silang being among the most likely contenders. Some towns were already documented as early as 1582 in Miguel de Loarca’s Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas, written during the Legazpi expedition. This account mentions the towns of Vacol (Bacoor), Minacaya (Binakayan, Kawit), and Maragondon. Over time, the spelling of these names evolved, as seen in the 1734 Carta Hydrographica y Chorographica de las Islas Filipinas, commonly known as the Murillo-Velarde map, where these towns are referred to as Bacor and Binacayan.

Extract from the Murillo-Velarde Map showing Cavite City

When the Spaniards arrived in Manila from Panay in 1570, they encountered the area that would later become the politico-military province of Cavite, which was sparsely populated at the time. Among the early settlements was a small barangay called Tangway, meaning “point,” inhabited by Tagalogs, which would eventually become Cavite City. The establishment of towns in Cavite often led to confusion between their civil and ecclesiastical foundations, resulting in common historical inaccuracies. For example, according to Historia, Geografica Geologica y Estadisticas de Filipinas written by Agustin de la Cavada and Medez de Vigo in 1894, Bacoor was officially founded in 1671, although it had already existed as early as 1582, as mentioned earlier. This discrepancy arose from a petition by Bacoor’s principalia, or noble class. Similarly, Imus is often mistakenly believed to have been founded in 1795 when it became a separate parish from Kawit, although it was actually established as a civil town in 1775.

In 1614, the focal point of Cavite shifted from its original location in Kawit to San Roque (now part of Cavite City) as the new capital when Cavite was established as a politico-military province driven largely by the booming galleon trade. By the 1640s, San Roque had become an open zone for missions from all five major religious orders: Augustinians, Franciscans, Jesuits, Dominicans, and Recollects, as well as the secular order of the Hospitalarios de San Juan de Dios. To support their missions and increase their income, these religious orders managed extensive estancias, grazing lands, and woodlands, which eventually evolved into large friar estates or haciendas. Throughout Cavite, many haciendas were established by the religious orders, such as the Jesuit-run haciendas in Silang and Carmona or the Hacienda de San Nicolas de Tolentino in Bacoor founded in 1680. However, four major haciendas significantly dominated the province, which were:

• Pueblo de la Hacienda de San Francisco de Asis de Malabon (Gen. Trias): Originally a Franciscan visita before 1611 and later managed by the Jesuits from 1693, this hacienda was primarily a cattle ranch, similar to Tanza and Naic. Founded in 1748, its mid-18th-century population comprised farmers, carpenters, saddlemakers, blacksmiths, animal tenders, millers, fishermen, and salt-makers.
• Estancia de Santa Cruz de Malabon (Tanza): Established in 1770 as a ranch for raising livestock, this hacienda was a mere visita of San Francisco de Malabon. In the mid-18th century, it was covered with overgrown weeds and dense forests with decaying tree trunks.
• Estancia de San Juan del Rio de Ymos (Imus): Named after the confluence of two rivers, Ilang-Ilang and Julian, this hacienda became an independent civil town in 1775. Initially a private estate bought by Don Tomas de Andaya in 1685, it was sold to the Recollects in 1690. By 1828, Imus experienced rapid commercialization with the production of rice, sugar, indigo, and cattle breeding. In the late 18th century, the hacienda also experimented with cotton, black pepper, sesame, wheat, fruits, swine, and sheep.
• San Isidro Labrador (Naic): Originally a Jesuit rice and sugarcane hacienda from 1693 until their expulsion in 1768, this estate passed through various private owners until 1831 when the Dominicans purchased it. Naic separated from Maragondon in 1791 to become its own town and parish by 1796, with settlers consisting mainly of farmers and fishermen from nearby towns.

Estancia de Santa Cruz de Malabon (Tanza)

According to Fr. Joaquín Martínez de Zúńiga:

“as there are few natives in these places when the Spaniards arrived and because the land is uncultivated (with the exception of few cultivated fields in Bacoor and Cavite Viejo which were two small hamlets), the King, out of mercy gave to the first conquerors strips of uncultivated land and filled this province with estates.”

The period of intensified town-building in Cavite, known as erreciones de pueblos in Spanish documents, marked a significant phase in the region’s development, as new boundaries were established and towns were divided and reorganized. This era of transformation reflected both the growth and the shifting landscape of the province.

However, this growth was uneven and largely benefited the religious orders and absentee landlords in Manila who controlled these vast estates. The mismanagement of these haciendas led to growing tensions between the friars and the tenants, often escalating into violent confrontations, particularly in towns that were centered around these estates. One of the earliest recorded conflicts occurred in 1688 in Silang, where the Recollects were involved in land grabbing and other atrocities. In some areas, pillages and raids were carried out by the Recollects. Accounts describe the burning of houses and rice fields of Filipino residents, resulting in total losses amounting to 3,000 pesos. These actions were so destructive that the Recollects were likened to an invading army, as temporary records noted their “furious and horrible” rampage, similar to that of the feared Camucones raiders of Northern Borneo.

The Spanish colonial policy also imposed the reducción system on Filipinos, mandating them to live in resettlements for easier conversion and taxation. This forced relocation led to resistance, as many of them sought to maintain the freedoms they had enjoyed in pre-colonial times. Those who resisted joining the reducción sought refuge in the dense jungles of Cavite, where they were branded by Spanish authorities with various labels such as bandido, ladrónes monteses, remontados, malhechor, malebolo, contraviodor, gente de mal vivir, ratero, fucineroso, foragido, salteador, saqueador, partida, cuadrilla among others. Among these terms, one name stood out and became synonymous with Cavite: the tulisan. This infamous label turned into a legend not only in Cavite but also in neighboring provinces, embodying the region’s notoriety as well as its spirit of defiance.

Bandit Infestation

\”El Tulisan\” by C.W. Andrews (1859)

In contemporary Philippine usage, the term tulisan refers to a “bandit”, “highway robber” or “brigand”, originally from the root word tulis meaning “pointed”, which describes the weapons that they use. This term is believed to have first emerged in the 18th century, with its presence in Cavite specifically documented as early as 1827, where it appeared as tulisan or tulizan. However, according to a letter from Dr. E. Arsenio Manuel to Isagani R. Medina dated December 16, 1984, the original meaning of tulisan was quite different. It referred to a “spearman” or “warrior” in prehistoric times, particularly in Mindanao, rooted in primitive practices. Over time, as these spearmen became a significant threat to Spanish law enforcers and officials, the term tulisan acquired a more negative connotation, evolving into the pejorative sense we recognize today.

Meanwhile, various terms from different Tagalog dialects were also used, such as manhaharang or manghaharang in the Bataan Tagalog dialect, mangangayao in the Laguna and Tayabas Tagalog dialects, and maglilingo not only in Laguna and Tayabas but also in the Bulacan Tagalog dialect.Apart from pulajan, which is another term common in Southern Philippines, the word tulisan is now widely recognized in major contemporary lowland Christian languages such as llokano, Kapampangan, Pangasinense, Bikolano, Cebuano, Waray, Aklanon, and Hiligaynon. Within the Tagalog region, there exist at least two types of tulisan, the violent dugong-aso (blood of a dog) and the less heartless tulisan pulpul (fake bandits).

The origins of criminal brigandry, or tulisanismo in the colony is rooted in the social unrest and economic inequalities of the time. During this period, a significant number of “slaves” from Manila fled to nearby areas like Caloocan, Montalban, Laguna and Tayabas, seeking refuge in its dense forests and mountain ranges, where they hid as fugitives, described as “running like wild deer.” In 1598, Antonio de Morga reported on a growing population of Filipino men and women in Manila who had no fixed residences and were considered “vagabonds of evil life,” causing headaches for Spanish authorities. This breakdown in law and order was exacerbated by the presence of black slaves and cafres brought over by the Portuguese. These individuals, both young and old, were notorious for their lawlessness, rebelling annually, seizing vessels, and committing numerous “outrages and thefts.” Morga predicted that these actions would lead to the ruin of Manila and the surrounding country.

The situation in nearby Cavite was similarly dire, with various criminal elements taking advantage of the province’s remote and rugged terrain. Outside the coastal town of Maragondon, in a wasteland known as the visita of Palicpican, gangs and criminals, including migrant Visayans, Black Africans, and even Spanish deserters, sought asylum. These individuals were accused of various crimes, including the kidnapping of women from different nationalities. Bacoor had gained a notorious reputation even before the British occupation as the “Nest of Thieves.” In 1763, Cavite itself was overrun with “bandits” led by deserters and some Mexican soldiers from the Spanish army, known as guachinangos. These bandits killed the town’s gobernadorcillo and sought sanctuary in the convent of Bacoor. Earlier that year, these “bandits” had already destroyed the haciendas and cattle ranches owned by the Dominicans and Jesuits in the province. Official reports from the British indicated that bandits were active in the town of San Roque and the Hacienda of Estanzuela (now Caridad), where they disrupted the peace and terrorized local residents who supplied the British with fish and other provisions.

The other so-called “tulisanes” that organically sprung up in Cavite were, in fact, troubled peasants whose survival depended on the lands that the friars had taken from them. Lacking material resources, many of these peasants approached the lay administrators of the haciendas, requesting funds to cover their farming expenses. In return, they pledged to give half of their harvest. However, this agreement was often not honored, and as time went on, new contracts were made. Under these new arrangements, payment for the amount advanced was required regardless of whether the harvest was good or bad. Those who could not repay the amount advanced for the harvest were dispossessed of their lands. As a result, most of the so-called malhechores or tulisanes in Cavite were, in reality, dissatisfied peasants from hacienda towns owned by religious orders. Their actions were born out of desperation and a fight for survival in the face of unjust land practices.

Cavite’s unique geography made it a perfect refuge for these tulisanes during the colonial period, transforming the province into a haven for those evading the authorities. The dense forests, thick bamboo groves, and overgrown vegetation provided natural camouflage, while the province’s complex network of rivers served as vital escape routes, making it extremely difficult for Spanish forces to capture these outlaws. In highland areas such as Indang and Maragondon, where abaca, coffee, and lumbang oil trade flourished in the 19th century, rivers like the Maragondon and Batas Rivers became essential for tulisanes, allowing them to move swiftly and elusively across the province. The coastal towns adjacent to Manila Bay, including Sapang and Caputatan, offered convenient entry and exit points, further enhancing the mobility of bandit groups. Mangrove swamps along the coast provided an additional layer of protection, making it nearly impossible for authorities to track fleeing criminals. Even the uninhabited lowland regions between Silang and Imus became frequent targets of robbers and rustlers, solidifying Cavite’s reputation as a tulisan stronghold. The province’s challenging terrain not only provided natural protection and escape routes but also enabled tulisanes to maintain a significant degree of autonomy, making it nearly impossible for colonial authorities to eradicate them. Combined with the socio-economic pressures of the time, the province’s landscape played a crucial role in cementing its status as a sanctuary for banditry and rebellion throughout the colonial period.

Tulisanes in Cavite and the surrounding Manila areas had become more organized and strategic in their activities, reflecting the turbulent crises in Spain during that time. These bands, often led by members of the upper levels of native society rather than mere “primitive rebels,” orchestrated well-planned raids that coincided with holidays and fiestas when towns were typically deserted. These bands, often led by members of the upper levels of native society rather than mere “primitive rebels,” orchestrated well-planned raids that coincided with holidays and fiestas when towns were typically deserted. Cavite’s vast haciendas, rich with work animals, became prime targets for these tulisanes. The troubled peasants involved in these activities often focused their attacks on their traditional adversaries, such as friars, private hacienda owners, and itinerant Chinese merchants. While most of their raids were concentrated within Cavite, the tulisanes did not hesitate to extend their reach into neighboring provinces like Manila, Laguna, Batangas, and Rizal. These bands typically consisted of four to fifteen members, making them both mobile and formidable in their attacks.

While many tulisanes operated during the Spanish period, including the pre-Bonnie-and-Clyde duo Santiago Moxica Espineli and Damiana Varias, as well as notorious cattle rustlers like Fruto de los Santos (alias “Bela”), Juan Legaspi (alias “Calabao”), and Eusevio de los Santos, I will focus only on the most famous ones. These individuals not only caused widespread havoc throughout Cavite but were also connected in some way to the events that eventually led to the Philippine Revolution. Among them were Luis Parang, Juan Balat, Juan de Santa Maria, Juan Upay, and Casimiro Camerino.

Luis de los Santos, better known as Luis Parang, was one of the most feared tulisan during the 1820s and 1830s. Born in Kawit, Cavite, Parang was a farmer by trade, but his reputation as “El Tulisan” far overshadowed his humble beginnings. Parang was described as tall for a Filipino, with distinct mestizo features, including an aquiline nose and brown eyes. His nickname “Parang” came from his unique tactic during battles where he would wait the enemy to attack first. Known for his bravery, he would allow his enemies to shoot first, waiting amidst the gunsmoke before launching a devastating attack. Parang’s rumored possession of a powerful anting-anting added to his mystique, making him nearly invincible in the eyes of his followers

Parang’s rise to prominence was marked by his leadership in a three-year peasant uprising that began in 1822. This movement, which spread across several Tagalog provinces, was fueled by widespread agrarian discontent. The farmers, often biasedly dubbed as the “reunion of malefactors” by the Spanish authorities, committed acts of violence and robbery, targeting the friar haciendas that dominated the region. Parang’s band of tulisanes became a formidable force, instilling fear in the hearts of both locals and Spanish officials. However, in 1828, Parang surrendered to the authorities, mediated by Fr. Mariano Gomez, the parish priest of Bacoor. Granted amnesty by Governor Mariano Ricafort, Parang was allowed to return home, albeit under strict supervision.

Despite his brief surrender, Parang could not stay away from his old ways. By the 1830s, he reemerged as a tulisan leader, this time with a new mission. Fr. Nicolas de Becerra, a local priest, offered Parang the position of capitan de cuadrilleros, with the task of ridding Imus of other tulisanes. Parang accepted the offer, with his trusted lieutenant Juan Upay by his side. However, by 1835, Parang was once again leading his band of outlaws, which included his sons, Mariano and Jacinto, his brother Carlos, and his nephew Fabian. The group was involved in various criminal activities, including the infamous Balauarte robbery in Laguna, led by another tulisan leader, Juan Balat.

When Parang learned of his sons’ imprisonment in the Imus jail, he reacted with fury. In a dramatic turn of events, Parang attacked the municipal police’s armory, taking hostages and threatening to burn down the town of Imus if his sons were not released. Faced with the destruction of their town, the local authorities capitulated, freeing the prisoners and allowing Parang to escape with his family. This bold act only solidified Parang’s legendary status among the tulisanes.

After Parang leaving the life of banditry in exchange of a quiet life in Malabon while on a pension, leadership of the remaining gangs passed to Juan Balat, a ruthless bandit who continued the fight against the authorities. Balat’s reign was short-lived, as he was killed in April 1835. His successor, Juan de Santa Maria, another infamous tulisan from Imus, took over the reins. Santa Maria’s leadership was marked by a series of violent encounters with the Spanish forces. His gang, armed to the teeth, terrorized the towns of Cavite for nearly two years. However, his luck ran out in September 1837 when he was killed in Pulang-lupa, Las Piñas, by Inocente de los Santos, a municipal policeman during a coordinated military operation. The infamy of this gang reached such heights that Juan Balat was even mentioned in José Rizal’s Noli Me Tangere. In Chapter 50, La Familia de Elías, it is written:

Pronto el nombre sanguinario de Bálat se estendió de provincia en provincia, terror de los pueblos, porque en su venganza todo lo llevaba á sangre y fuego.

(Before long the bloody name of Bálat spread from province to province, a terror to the people, because in his revenge he did everything with blood and fire.)

Another famous tulisan during the period was Casimiro Camerino. He was a peasant leader from Imus, Cavite, who found himself unjustly branded as “El Tulisan”, like Parang before him, by the Spanish authorities in the mid-1860s. Agrarian unrest had resurfaced during this time, largely due to abuses and exploitation by landowners. Camerino, recognized as the leader of the dissatisfied peasants, decided to take a stand. Faced with the harsh realities of Spanish colonial rule, he and his followers retreated to the hills. However, Camerino’s defiance was well understood and supported by many Caviteños, who saw him as a protector of their rights rather than a mere bandit. Camerino and his group, which grew to over fifty men, used the forests of Tampus and Salitran in Dasmariñas as their hideouts. They were not just fugitives; they were tactical in their resistance. The group scattered bamboo traps and spiny materials on the ground to ward off any Spanish forces that tried to capture them. These clever and resourceful measures demonstrated that they were not mere outlaws but were engaged in a fight for survival and justice against oppressive colonial powers.

In 1869, after years of resistance, Camerino and his men were offered amnesty. On August 15 of that year, at the Imus hacienda, in the presence of Governor General Carlos Maria de la Torre, Camerino surrendered. This moment marked a significant shift in the Spanish approach to dealing with peasant unrest. De la Torre, known for his more liberal policies, had meditated deeply on the situation and consulted with impartial advisors. He realized that Camerino’s band was not merely a criminal group but rather a reflection of the deeper social injustices plaguing the country. By a decree on September 25, 1869, the Spanish authorities granted pardons to all tulisanes who presented themselves, offering them immunity for their past actions. Camerino and his followers, whom the Spanish records referred to as “accomplices” and “harborers,” were assured of their safety. More than just pardons, some members of Camerino’s group, including Camerino himself, were integrated into the state forces and given salaries. Camerino was even appointed as a colonel in the Compara de Guias de la Provincia.

However, unlike Parang, Camerino’s story did not have a peaceful ending. Despite his integration into the colonial military, his past involvement in the resistance made him a target once again. In 1872, during the failed Cavite Mutiny, Camerino was implicated in the rebellion. The Spanish authorities did not hesitate to exact their revenge. Camerino was executed by garrote, marking the tragic end of a man who had once been a symbol of resistance against oppression. His execution in Bagumbayan took place alongside the executions of three priests, Fr. Mariano Gomez, Fr. Jose Burgos, and Fr. Jacinto Zamora, who were unjustly accused of involvement in the said mutiny. Their martyrdom would later inspire Jose Rizal to write his novels, which ultimately led to his own execution in the same fields of Bagumbayan. These events became the catalyst for the Philippine Revolution.

There is ample evidence that the Cavite tulisanes actively supported the Katipunan. One such instance involved Hipolito Sakilayan, a tulisan leader from Cavite, who was instructed by Emilio Aguinaldo to meet with Mariano Alvarez, the president of the Magdiwang faction of the Katipunan and the capitan municipal of Noveleta. The meeting, held in secrecy to evade the Spanish intelligence networks, focused on security measures and preparations for the uprising ordered by the Katipunan Supremo, Andrés Bonifacio, on August 31, 1896. Despite being armed with only 13 guns, bolos, and bamboo spears, Sakilayan and his men, including his brother Hermogenes and fellow tulisan Zacarias Cautona, gathered their forces for the revolution.

Cautona, a notorious tulisan from Silang, Cavite, had previously been captured by the Spaniards in 1893 after leading a raid and burning the town of Noveleta in 1892. However, with the outbreak of the revolution, he rejoined the fight alongside Sakilayan’s gang, which had grown to 40 men. The gang was tasked with intercepting a Spanish captain and lieutenant of the guardia civil near the crossroads between Noveleta and San Francisco de Malabon (now Gen. Trias). Their actions supported the Katipuneros, who were gathering under the pretense of protecting the town from the Sakilayan gang.

Similarly, Eulalio Lumunsad, another tulisan chief, was advised by Emilio Aguinaldo on August 30, 1896, to leave Barrio Putol (now Magdalo, Kawit) and head to Noveleta to assist in the attack on the Spanish guardia civil headquarters at Siiran in Noveleta. This attack, led by General Santiago V. Alvarez, the son of Mariano Alvarez and a childhood friend of Aguinaldo, was supported by the Sakilayan gang, who managed to capture 20 rifles during the raid. Throughout the revolution, many former tulisanes like Domingo Malinis and his son Luis transitioned from banditry to become revolutionaries. Encouraged by Santiago Alvarez, Domingo joined the Katipunan, and his son Luis was later appointed general of the Katipunan by Andrés Bonifacio.

Pacification Activities

Guardia Civil Officers, Jose Honorato Lozano

The pacification activities against tulisanes in Cavite were a significant concern for both Spanish and American colonial authorities. During the Spanish period, the efforts to control banditry were multifaceted, involving military, social, and infrastructural strategies. One early instance of pacification involved the use of merdekas or mardicas, a group of 200 mercenaries brought to the Philippines by Jesuit Father Diego de Esquivel in 1663. Originally stationed in Ternate Island in Indonesia, these mercenaries were mobilized to bolster the Spanish defenses against a possible invasion by the Chinese pirate Koxinga and were later utilized to quell banditry in Cavite towns such as Naic, Indang, Bailen, and Maragondon. Their status as mercenaries afforded them exemptions from tributes and forced labor, privileges that were later contested by authorities in 1827, in which some mardicas became tulisan themselves as a result.

To combat the growing threat of tulisanes, the Spanish authorities established new towns, such as Carmona, Caridad, Noveleta, Amadeo, and Magallanes. These towns were part of a broader effort to disrupt the networks and hideouts of bandits by resettling communities and clearing potential hiding spots. For example, in the early 19th century, the government implemented a resettlement plan that involved the cutting down of bamboo groves along the Zapote River. These groves had long served as hideouts for “malhechores”, and their destruction was seen as a necessary step to reduce bandit activity. The provincial head of Cavite ordered the deliberate clearing of these groves, which also paved the way for new construction and the establishment of checkpoints along the roads, further preventing crimes against travelers.

Security measures during the Spanish period also included the formation of various local security agencies. King Philip II’s royal cedula for the Indies established the Alcaldes de Hermandad, a group of respectable residents appointed as brotherhood judges. These judges were provided with weapons and tasked with defending their districts against bandit attacks. Similarly, during King Philip IV’s reign in the 17th century, the alcaldes de barrio (barrio judges) were empowered to appoint cuadrilleros, or municipal police, who were armed with lances and arquebuses to protect properties and harvests in the barrios. These local forces were often compensated modestly and were exempt from other community duties, reflecting the importance placed on their role in maintaining order. The church also played a role in the fight against banditry. Fr. Nicolas de Becerra emerged as one of the most formidable enemies of the tulisanes, using his influence to combat their activities.

Additionally, both Spanish and American authorities recognized the need to control the proliferation of loose firearms, as these weapons often ended up in the hands of bandits. Laws were repeatedly passed to regulate the possession of firearms, but the effectiveness of these measures varied, with bandits often finding ways to acquire weapons despite the restrictions.

During the American period in Cavite, efforts to control the movement of the population and suppress the activities of tulisanes were intensified. One of the measures implemented was a strict identification system, which required residents to have proper documentation authenticated by the town priest and military authorities, almost similar to the one implemented by the Spaniards prior. This system aimed to differentiate legal residents from vagrants and non-residents, thus limiting the movement of potential bandits and ensuring that only registered individuals could reside in the area. Additionally, a passport system, known as “papeleta de permiso,” was introduced to further monitor and restrict the activities of tulisanes and other individuals suspected of engaging in criminal activities.

To maintain order, the American authorities took various precautions, such as ensuring that street lamps were well-lit, especially on moonless nights, to discourage bandit activities. Dark spots were illuminated to prevent tulisanes from using the cover of darkness to carry out their raids. However, as tulisanismo gained momentum between 1903 and 1906, the U.S. Army and the Philippine Constabulary faced increasing challenges in maintaining peace and order. The writ of habeas corpus was suspended in Cavite and Batangas in 1905, reflecting the severity of the situation. The American authorities even considered using hound dogs to flush out tulisanes hiding in Cavite’s rugged terrain, highlighting the lengths they were willing to go to combat the persistent bandit threat.

Despite these efforts, the local population often sympathized with or even supported the tulisanes, shielding them from the oppressive actions of the American-led Philippine Constabulary and Philippine Scouts. This “conspiracy of silence” revealed the deep-seated discontent with colonial rule, as many viewed the tulisanes as defenders against the harshness of the occupying forces. In fact, during the American period, locals frequently contributed both cash and goods to the tulisanes with spoils from their raids were often shared with their supporters, including municipal officers and other influential figures in the community.

Cavite once again became a hotspot for banditry during this period, with notorious figures such as Cornelio Felizardo, Julián Montalan, and Lucio de Vega leading bandit bands that terrorized the region. Animal rustlers like Lucio Magnaye of Silang, Esteban Alvarez of Noveleta, and Candido Samonte, along with tulisanes Julián Ramos, Juan Botron, and Santiago Ronquillo (alias “Tiagong Akyat”) added to the challenges faced by American authorities.

Continue for part 2…