What Happened to British Jurisprudence and Will the Catholic Church Speak Out? — Strategic Culture

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My family is peppered with lawyers. Many of us study law, some go on to practice, some don’t. Those who don’t may have lost touch with the finer points of changing law, but an eye for fairness – or the lack thereof – remains sharply focused.

While enjoying a family barbecue in Clapham recently – we were celebrating the fact that my niece had just graduated, first as a judge and now had a place in the chamber to continue her training as a barrister – I wanted to hear from my brother-in-law and sister how their practice was going.

I wanted to know specifically about justice. Why there was none. And so we got to talking about what kind of lawyers are promoted from the bar and appointed as judges. It has all changed. Therefore, there is no justice and consequently, as the social activists succinctly put it, no peace.

The rules have changed. To be considered for promotion, you must first submit a portfolio demonstrating your commitment, both ideologically (what you believe) and practically (what you have done), to actively advancing the Diversity, Inclusion and Equity (DEI) social agenda.

This means that our judges are appointed exclusively from a group of lawyers who are ideologically committed to the politics of the left and to the suppression and replacement of what is considered ‘right’.

This would not be a healthy situation for a legal system, but at this point in the UK’s history it is particularly dangerous.

The public has been aware for some time that the police response to public disorder is becoming a complex, if not contradictory, problem.

The Black Lives Matter marches, the vandalism of statues of white men, the blocking of ambulances during road disruptions by green eco-protesters, and the cries for genocide against Jews by pro-Gaza protesters were all handled with leniency and kid gloves by the police.

At the same time as our law enforcement, the British judiciary has done everything it can to reinforce the impression and practice that non-white people are treated differently from native English people.

Social media is full of examples that point out to the public the leniency of the courts. The wider and darker background to all this is the rape of white girls in northern English cities by grooming gangs on an unimaginable scale.

Investigator Angie Heal, hired by local officials themselves, alerted authorities to the size and scale of the criminal activity. Her report estimated that more than 1,400 white girls were raped by these grooming gangs between 1997 and 2013.

Later evidence indicated that she may have underestimated the numbers. Guardian In 2022, published the findings of a subsequent Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Exploitation (IICSE), which estimated that more than 1,000 girls were victims in Telford alone.

But the number of men arrested and charged was minimal, so it went on for so long. It became more important to disguise the Muslim religion of many of those involved by describing them as being of “Asian” descent and to evade the Pakistani origins of many of the perpetrators (some 96 percent of Pakistan is Muslim).

The long litany of injustices perpetrated by the judiciary continued. In August this year, Aimen Touati, a civil servant in Sunderland of Asian descent, was given a 12-month suspended sentence after being convicted of possessing pornographic material on his computer involving six-month-old children.

Then there is the case of Suleman Maknojioa, an Islamic teacher who sexually abused an 11-year-old child but was spared a prison sentence because he said his Pakistani wife did not speak English well enough, making his family extra dependent on him.

The list of lenient, lenient and unjust punishments imposed by a left-leaning judiciary aroused surprise and resentment among many, but it grew ever longer.

And then three young girls were stabbed to death in Southport.

The authorities immediately did everything they could to cover up the facts. The attacker was initially described as “Welsh”. Many people then felt that all trust had been broken. And the patience of some had also run out.

The writer and commentator Douglas Murray, who has consistently warned of the dangers of this for many years, recently noted that as a result of all this, pent-up anger and resentment within the white working class – whose children were often the ones being abused or murdered – was being unleashed and dangerously spewed out onto the streets.

The reaction of the establishment was to encourage the police and the judiciary to punish with a force and a brutality that surprised everyone. So, as it turned out, protesters and people who broke the law could be eventually be arrested. Only they often had not been arrested before.

During the unrest that followed Southport, video showed protesters being grabbed and beaten by police as part of an intimidation strategy, not even in response to criminal activity.

David Spring, a 61-year-old retired train driver in London, was arrested and jailed for simply making ‘gestures’ at police and singing bawdy songs about ‘Who the (swear word) is Allah”.

He was sentenced to eighteen months. The judge who sentenced him made it clear that this sentence was not just a reaction to his actions. It was intended as a deterrent. The aim was to “discourage others from disturbing public order”.

Writing in the SpectatorBrendan O’Neill asked the question, “Is justice turning into revenge against the rioters?”

He gave the example of Stacey Vint, a 34-year-old woman who had recently become homeless after leaving an abusive relationship, who was handed a wheelie bin by others in the crowd to push toward the police line. She staggered awkwardly toward the police before falling flat on her face at their feet.

They picked her up from the pavement and arrested her. She was sentenced to 20 months in prison for falling and failing to control her bin. O’Neill reminds his readers that the knifeman who terrorised staff at a kosher supermarket in Golders Green earlier this January, demanding to know their views on Israel and Palestine while threatening them, was given a suspended sentence.

Judge John Thackray in Hull got quite excited on behalf of the disapproving establishment when he loudly urged prosecutors to consider charging the public with the more serious offence of “riot” rather than “violent disorder”.

He had just sentenced 26-year-old Connor Whitley to three years in prison for kicking a female police officer to the ground, allegedly wounding her elbow and forearm, and he was frustrated that it couldn’t be longer. If prosecutors had only charged these people with rioting, rather than violent disorder, which carries a maximum sentence of five years, he could have sentenced the defendant to ten years in prison!

The newspapers highlighted the injustice and institutional bias through what appeared to be a coordinated editorial shaming of the white working class, with headlines like “Nailed and Jailed” accompanied by photos on the front pages.

Douglas Murray suggested that the anger of the establishment, expressed in both the two-tier policing and the two-tier sentencing system, was in fact an expression of almost desperate fear.

He noted that while so-called far-right ideology was continually blamed for the violence and anger of the white, indigenous English working class, in reality such ideology did not exist.

There is no organised political far-right movement. The media has been reduced to pointing fingers at the English Defence League – which ceased to exist ten years ago.

The terrifying implication for the establishment was that they were dealing with a spontaneous, uncoordinated uprising of the population, caused in part, Murray argued, by the political class’s refusal to control or allow any discussion of mass immigration.

He also notes that the Americans he speaks to are surprised and bewildered that British police have set up special units to monitor social media with the aim of arresting people for hate crimes or racist tendencies.

The First Amendment to the US Constitution makes such a response both unthinkable and illegal. That is why Americans, like many Britons, find it hard to digest the destruction of both free speech and democracy in Britain today, and the implications. No justice, no peace.

However, Catholics will not be as surprised by this as others.

We have seen how police have deployed their thought crime strategies against people concerned about the mass murder of babies by abortion clinics.

Catholics have been arrested for simply standing silently on the pavement praying, in the first thoughtcrime in the UK in centuries.

Catholics were once known for their commitment to peace and justice. Student groups and devout Catholic clergy could quote Amos and Isaiah at will.

Jesuits would take the lead in the fight against political injustice, with a practiced steely gaze in their eyes. Yet some suspected that the economic and political right had become the target. This suggests that the passion for justice and peace was driven more by socialism than by a well-informed theology and spirituality.

Be that as it may, where is the collective Catholic voice that rises today in defense of freedom of expression?

Where are the Catholic voices standing up to the injustice of a two-tier policing and two-tier sentencing system?

Where are there voices raised in favor of the displaced, who happen to be white and working class?

If the Catholic Church wants to defend its claim to speak with a prophetic voice, rather than just a partisan and political voice, then this is the time for the social activist clergy and intellectuals to raise their trained voices and protest.

Isn’t that right?

Original article: catholicherald.co.uk