Why Are They Here? – by Charles Angleson

Posted on by Vaseline

—Most non-European migrants aren’t even listed as refugees or asylum seekers.
—The overwhelming majority of migrants were never women or children fleeing from war, but male economic migrants.
—The national origins of the migrants were never in line with conflict zones to begin with.
—Non-European immigration to the EU has also only increased since 2016 rather than tapering off after the Syrian civil war died down.

It is claimed occasionally, either by europhobic third-worlders using the excuse as pretext, or by mistaken Groypers, that mass immigration to the west is its fault for starting wars in the middle east and displacing its local population (109, 110, & 111).

This is completely false. They’re here purely as a function of the state allowing them to be here. Even if they were all fleeing from a hell on earth where everybody is constantly raping and torturing each other, the number of them who end up in Europe would be determined exclusively by whether we sink the ships they send our way.

Asylum mostly isn’t even a listed reason in government statistics for the non-EU migration to the UK (112, p.75; & 113):

Of the ‘refugees’ living in Sweden, 79% have also vacationed in the country they ‘fled’ from (114 & 115).

The overwhelming majority of migrants were never women or children fleeing from war, but adult male economic migrants. The 2023/2023 Frontex risk analysis report found that only 11.1% of illegal boat migrants coming to the EU were female while only 18.02% were under 18 and only 6.7% crossing by land were female (116, p.15 & 17). Those listed as being children are also mostly fraudulent:

For those who don’t remember, the pretext (see Documenting The Narrative) for throwing open Europe’s borders in 2015 was the ongoing Syrian civil war, with the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) seizing large Swathes of Territory in 2014 before being territorially defeated at the battle of Raqqa by late 2017, with the conflict having produced 300,000 fatalities by UN estimates as of 2022 (99). Contrary to this pretext however, those displaced by war did not have their national origin reflected among the illegal immigrants and asylum applicants inflicted upon Europe. By the 2015 UNHCR Global Trends report (100, annex table 2), over 50% of the refugees under the UN mandate were displaced from the top 3 leading countries: Syria (4,850,792), Afghanistan (2,662,954), and Somalia (1,123,022); only 261,107 came from Iraq. This should set a floor for what what proportion of the migrants we expect to be marked as Syrian for two reasons:

Given this then, the adjacent country which actually has large-scale problems should make up a supermajority of recorded asylum claimants, yes? In 2015, Syria had a share of only 29%, and Afghanistan made up 15% while Iraq made up 10% (101, p.15). That ‘Iraqis’ had a 10% share despite being much more severely dwarfed by Syria as an actual source of refugees (261,107 VS 4,850,792) is itself a red flag of people taking advantage of the pretext that Iraq was under ISIS rule, and we should expect the Syrian share to be similarly inflated.

The conflict has only died down in the years since 2015. With the decrease in the actual refugee burden, we should expect the representation of legitimate refugees among migrant claimants to have only declined. This is a best case scenario of official asylum claimants at the height of a major conflict period. In terms of citizenship and illegal immigration, it’s worse.

Let’s first address the elephant in the room. Yearly non-EU migration was actually higher in 2019 than 2015 (106, p.2):

Note that Great Britain officially left the EU on the 31st of January in 2020 (107); aside from the sudden drop from 2019 to 2020 due to British figures no longer being included with the rest of Europe, there was a continuous rise from 2017-2021. We can reasonably infer that the intensity of migration remains higher than it was in 2015. To date, 5.3% of the population of the EU consists of non-EU citizens (106).

This 5.3% citizenship figure undersells the scale of problem too. EU member states granted 827,300 citizenships in 2021 (108). The 30 top nationalities of origin were as follows (108, p.8):

Only 15% (120,400) of these were granted to people with prior citizenships in other EU countries (108, p.6). Considering naturalizations of people with pre-existing EU citizenships taken together with those granted to citizens of White countries without EU membership (Albania at 32,300; Romania at 28,600; Ukraine at 18,200; Russia at 17,300; and Great Britain at 10,600) (108, p.8), we can infer that roughly 599,900 (72.5%) of the 827,300 citizenships were granted to people of non-European ancestry. The volume of these naturalizations hasn’t changed appreciably since 2016 either (108, p.2):

In 2017, the continental origins of illegal immigrants arriving in the EU were as follows (104, p.15):

Among those arriving on Italian shores from January 2022 to June 2023 by boat, a UNHCR report (105) estimated the main locations of origin to be “Côte d’Ivoire (13%), Guinea (12%), Egypt (11%), Bangladesh (10%), Pakistan (9%), Tunisia (7%), Syrian Arab Republic (6%), Burkina Faso (6%), Cameroon (4%) and Mali (3%)” and found over 70% of the illegal migrants to be adult men.

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