Release of former official from prison, spotlight on Uruguayan corruption

Uruguay’s former presidential security chief has been released from prison after serving a sentence for organized crime. But as he begins a new chapter, Uruguay continues to grapple with questions about criminal infiltration within the government.

Alejandro Astesiano, former security chief for ex-president Luis Lacalle Pou, was released from prison on September 20, two and a half years early, for good behavior, work-study programs and time in pretrial detention. In 2023, he was sentenced to four and a half years in prison on four charges: participation in a crime, influence peddling, disclosure of secrets and mixing private and public interests.

SEE ALSO: Uruguay passport scandals force reckoning over government corruption

Astesiano was accused of forging documents to allow Russian citizens to obtain Uruguayan passports, and of abusing his close relationship with Lacalle Pou to carry out illegal surveillance.

Reports that emerged during the trial revealed even more conspiracies, including attempts to move money illegally through Uruguayan soccer teams.

“I have informed (a contractor) that we are going to launder money, the president is giving me a hand,” Astesiano wrote to the head of the hooligan brigade, or “beam,” for Peñarol, one of Uruguay’s biggest football teams.

Astesiano arranged a meeting at the Executive Tower in Uruguay with the leader of Peñarol’s barra and the contractor to discuss the matter, but was arrested before this could happen.

This message, among dozens of others, was first made public in a new book, “The Astesiano Case: A Plot of Espionage and Corruption in the Executive Tower.” InSight Crime spoke with author Lucas Silva to better understand the significance of the case and Uruguay’s changing criminal landscape.

InSight Crime (IC): Astesiano is one of the most talked about cases in Uruguay. Why is this case so important?

Lucas Silva (LS): This case is important because of Astesiano’s close ties to President Lacalle Pou; he was the head of presidential security. And also because of the many crimes that have been proven to have been committed in the Executive Tower. For example, a delivery of $10,000 to facilitate procedures for Russian investors took place on the fourth floor of the Executive Tower, and this was proven in the courts. Also, several businessmen and lobbyists testified before the Public Prosecutor that they brought cash to the fourth floor to win bids or obtain personal benefits. It is clear – and this is evident from the messages – that Astesiano had a direct line to the President and the most important government officials, even if there were attempts to minimize his influence.

On the other hand, it is also important because the legal system was able to prove the use of political espionage against opposition senators. And there is much evidence of similar practices against trade unionists and students.

IC: The book published chats between Astesiano and many powerful people, both in Uruguay and around the world, but some messages on his phone have never been found. Do you think the extent of Astesiano’s crime and corruption could go even deeper?

LS: There are many unanswered questions — important questions. For example, a retired military man (Marceo Acuña of Vertical Skies) was convicted of spying on senators, but we still don’t know which company was willing to pay money in exchange for that “personal information.” We know that this case is related to the interests tied to the bidding for the container terminal in the port of Montevideo, but no one has been held accountable.

SEE ALSO: The networks of Uruguay’s most wanted drug trafficker

We also don’t know how much Lacalle Pou really knew about the things Astesiano did, since his conversations were excluded from the investigation by the Public Prosecutor’s Office. The current prosecutor in the case, Sabrina Flores, asked for a new expert opinion by phone, but her request was denied.

IC: The original prosecutor for the case resigned on September 4, 2023, and began campaigning for the president’s party in late November. Are you concerned that political leanings in the case may have hampered the investigation or led to a lighter sentence?

LS: I think this is a sentiment that is unfortunately shared by a large part of the country. Regardless of the individuals or their political ties, if a public prosecutor investigating a case of this nature moves so quickly to political activity, it sends a very bad signal to citizens. It is a negative situation for the judiciary, for politics and especially for the trust that citizens have in government institutions.

IC: A couple of things – namely that of Astesiano and the drug dealer Sebastian Marset‘s — have received a lot of attention lately. Are they atypical cases in Uruguay, or do they represent a widespread criminal problem in the country?

LS: In the book, I tried to analyze how the powers that be are connected to political power. The Astesiano case provided a lot of information to investigate that question, because of all the information that was on his cell phone. I started to investigate how certain powers are connected to the state — lobbyists in the world of military procurement, companies that win bids — and how they use people like Astesiano to advance their financial interests. This was already happening before Astesiano joined the presidential team in March 2020 and will certainly continue in the future if no action is taken.

Featured image: Cover of Lucas Silva’s book ‘El Caso Astesiano’. Credit: Penguin Libros.