‘The stakes are high. Labor really needs to listen to voters’ concerns

The most powerful part of Keir Starmer’s speech at the conference was the refrain that “taking back control is a Labor argument”. He’s right. Vote Leave’s winning slogan is essentially a centre-left message, proclaiming the role of an active state with individual autonomy.

Control is the empowerment of communities and citizens to secure freedom from the crueler whims of capitalist markets and to overcome and prosper globalization.

To ensure this message is heard and has an impact, the government will have to be radical. Tempering the edges will fail and the pace of more effective governance, while very welcome after the chaos of recent years, will not be enough.

Only a transformation of our state and economic strategy will suffice. This must be the central theme of the ‘decade of innovation’. This government has already started this journey, but much more needs to be done.

Strengthening communities

Giving power back to communities is a start. Legislation is already going through parliament on further decentralization to regional and metro mayors. This is welcome – although many mayors need more capacity and weight to benefit – but political reform is not what voters thought they were buying when they voted to take back control in 2016 or voted for change in 2024. government to another will not suffice. Deeper and broader reforms are needed.

At the heart of an agenda around ‘control’ is an honest reckoning about the rights and responsibilities of increasing empowerment.

If we want reformed public services, such as a more preventative NHS that puts patients first, we must be willing to share more of our personal data. If we want controlled borders in an era of mass migration, we must have more secure routes and recognize the need for continued agreement on numbers. If we want stricter sentences for certain offenders, we will have to be more liberal when it comes to shorter sentences.

If we want an economy that tackles regional inequality and invests in our post-industrial cities, we need a competitive and modern economy.

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A central cog requires that government put citizen choice at the center of public service reforms. Developing and implementing a universal and rigorous digital identity system would be a welcome start. This has the potential to empower the user in our public services, enable our NHS and education system to provide more tailor-made, fast and seamless support, and enhance the ability of our police and border control to take decisive action to improve.

It will also enable the state to harness the immense potential of the AI ​​revolution. Ultimately, if we want better public services without piling more debt on the state, we must embrace the role that technology should play.

Any talk about “control” also requires attention to immigration. It is understandable that people want our borders controlled. A basic requirement of any developed country is that we know and have a say in who is coming to our country and for how long. Labor was right to promise a reduction in legal migration and a plan to tackle illegal migration at the last general election. Failure to deliver on our promise to control our borders will be catastrophic for Labor at the next election and in the longer term.

Face the facts

As the Prime Minister will undoubtedly have noted during his visit to Italy, a proper understanding of the immigration measures requires measures that will be uncomfortable for some within our party.

Processing by third countries will have to be introduced. Bigger and more aggressive action from above to stem the flow of criminal gangs will help. But ultimately, a response will have to be developed for what we do with the people who arrive here illegally, have made no claims and cannot be deported to their countries of origin – and this will require a return to basic principles. A solution to the deportations will have to be substantially achieved at an international level, with agreement across Europe.

The other side of the coin is providing well-established safe routes for those seeking asylum, and an immigration system that prioritises the needs of our labor market, as part of a longer-term strategy for our economy.

Political communication about the rights, responsibilities and realities of national immigration policy must be firm and unapologetic. While it’s not true that our political class doesn’t talk about immigration (it has dominated our political conversation for the past two decades), too often the public has not been told the truth. Raising the drawbridge is not an option, nor is it optimal (we do need strategies to attract highly skilled immigrants). Our economy and public services need immigration. But we also won’t be able to manage immigration without reconsidering our approach to those who arrive here illegally.

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Meanwhile, the most shameful Tory legacy on competition is public order and prisons. Rishi Sunak flatly refused to take action when our prisons overflowed and criminals were released to avoid political humiliation.

It was the ultimate ‘passing the buck’. Confidence in our public order services is at an all-time low. The government’s review of sentencing is welcome because the devil is always in the details, even if the broad strokes of the recommendations are already set in reality. Shorter sentences should be almost completely eradicated – because they cost taxpayers billions, lead to higher chances of recidivism and cause greater hardship – and community-based rehabilitation and punishment should be introduced. Reform is needed in the way we treat women prisoners, and Shabana Mahmood’s ambition to close women’s prisons is welcome.

IPP sentences should be deleted completely. But for serious, violent crimes and repeat offenders, the penalties should be stricter and more draconian.

Managing the economy

On the economy, Rachel Reeves clearly understands the emphasis on inclusive growth – which benefits all regions and tackles regional and class inequalities. It is the common thread in all her speeches and interventions. The government’s agenda is clearest in the area of ​​economic policy. With a foundation of stability, investments in the country’s infrastructure and public services will be committed in the budget and in the coming years.

This must be broad-based, with a focus on improving living standards and connectivity (access and technology) for cities that are isolated from our thriving cities.

Growth is the name of the game. But long-term sustainable growth will not simply result from building lots of new homes, admirable as that goal is, and infrastructure projects. The Treasury will have to consider radical and perhaps controversial policies – to encourage highly skilled immigration, a tax regime that encourages risk-taking, steps to attract technology investment and support for our world-class universities to grow and bloom.

The dangers of not delivering are all too clear. Outdated, mushy social democratism that fails to meaningfully address voters’ priorities through modern means leads to electoral defeat and irrelevance. The lessons from France, the premiership of Francois Hollande, and the current problems in Germany are warning sirens for Scholz.

Labor in Britain is different. The government’s overarching missions, combined with a laser-like focus on results, ensure we can and will deliver. But the stakes are high. Voters have been calling for more control for a decade now and if Labor fails to deliver for them now with a powerful majority, we will rightly be punished.

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