The Role of Sociocultural Factors in the Collapse of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan

The fall of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan on August 15, 2021, shocked not only the people of Afghanistan but also the world. While external factors played a role in the collapse of the Afghan state, internal factors, which subtly unfolded over the twenty years of the Republic, were more prominent and profound. With the establishment of the new Afghan government in 2001, the country received significant support from the international community and made notable advancements in both domestic and foreign affairs. However, the ethnocentric policies of Afghanistan’s leaders, widespread corruption in both governmental and non-governmental institutions, a centralized political system, a lack of serious focus on state-building, unchecked freedom of expression, the absence of a clear definition of friend and foe, the politicization of the country’s military institutions, the rejuvenation process in the security sector that led to the dismissal of experienced generals and the appointment of inexperienced young people, the rise of extremist religious and sectarian thinking among the youth, violence by armed opposition groups, the activities of mafia and smugglers in the country, the passive observation of political parties and civil society as the government gradually declined, Ashraf Ghani’s insistence on integrating the strongest armed opposition group into his government, negative electoral competitions and widespread fraud, divisions among political and governmental leaders, the infiltration of foreign intelligence organizations among the country’s leaders, and the signing of the Doha Agreement between the United States and the Taliban without the presence of the Afghan government are among the fundamental factors contributing to the collapse of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. However, this note focuses on the role of sociocultural factors in the collapse of the Republic.

The Afghan masses possess diverse local and traditional customs that react against foreign imported cultures and the formation of modern governments. If we look at the reign of Amanullah Khan, we find that for the first time, the people of the eastern and southern regions of the country, and shortly after, the people north of Kabul, rose against his Western-oriented reforms, leading to the downfall of his government. In the second phase, some people of this country reacted against the administrative structure and the imported culture of the Republic of Mohammad Daoud Khan, but they were harshly suppressed. Despite this, his government was overthrown by the communist parties of Afghanistan in the coup known as the “Saur Revolution.” In the third phase, a wide range of the country’s populace rebelled against the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, which had an imported sociopolitical culture, and brought down that government. In the fourth phase, which was the period of the Republic with a democratic approach, both cold and hot wars existed against it. In addition to the fact that armed opposition groups fought against the fledgling democratic structure, the reckless actions of statesmen and sociocultural institutions also paved the way for the recruitment of opposition groups from society, leading to the collapse of this government. Most Afghans were mere spectators of the Republic’s collapse, and in some provinces in the south and east, even children attacked army tanks with stones and sticks. This reality underscores Afghanistan’s fundamental need to modernize its educational and cultural infrastructure to cultivate a civilization-oriented generation instead of one that opposes civilization.

Moreover, the prevailing tribal mindset in Afghan society can be considered one of the fundamental factors in the collapse of governments and the backwardness of this country. During the twenty years of the Republic, the actions of Hamid Karzai, Ashraf Ghani, and their followers were largely based on a tribal mindset in governance and statecraft. Bashir Ahmad Ansari, in his book “The Tribal Mindset: A Barrier to Religion and Civilization,” writes: “The tribal mindset is the undeveloped consciousness of the tribal human. This mindset creates tribal culture, and that culture gives rise to a tribal political system. Surprisingly, the tribal mindset, before harming an alien society, harms and halts the progress of the tribal society itself. The first victim of the tribal society is the society itself. The tribalization of political, cultural, social, and economic institutions is a clear cause for the stifling of progress within society. The tribal mindset is both an enemy of religion and civilization.” Therefore, the tribalization of state institutions was one of the causes of the collapse of the Afghan government.

On the other hand, several prominent Afghan visual media outlets, during the Republic’s period, sought to increase viewership by broadcasting programs celebrating Valentine’s Day, showing Western-style fashion worn by women, airing joint concert and music programs involving men and women in a hall contrary to the prevailing customs of society, broadcasting foreign cultural soap operas, and similar matters, which fueled rural resentment against the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan and strengthened the opposition’s narrative. Moreover, many media outlets and social media users abused freedom of expression to spread hatred against the Afghan government. In the final years of the Republic, broadcasting anti-government news became a competition among media outlets and social media users. The government failed to provide proper oversight in this area. Hizb ut-Tahrir and Jamiat-e-Islah also made significant inroads in the Tajik and Uzbek regions of Afghanistan during the Republic’s twenty-year span. They promoted the narrative of the armed opposition under the guise of establishing an Islamic government in Afghanistan, in schools, madrasas, mosques, and universities. These movements showcased the creation of an Islamic Caliphate as a paradise for the youth, presenting the country as being under Western occupation. Furthermore, these movements described the establishment of an Islamic government in Afghanistan as a prelude to creating an Islamic Caliphate across the entire Muslim world. Additionally, the planned intelligence propaganda of some neighboring and regional countries against the Afghan government aligned a vast number of social media users, media outlets, and public gatherings, knowingly or unknowingly, with the armed opposition groups. This also weakened the morale of Afghanistan’s security forces. Consequently, these issues led some people to distance themselves from the government and hold out hope for the establishment of an Islamic Caliphate. Many government employees and managers, who were paid by the government, were influenced by this propaganda. I know dozens, even hundreds of them, who spread hatred against the government in the media, social media, conferences, seminars, and classrooms. Religious schools, regular schools, universities, and research institutions in the country paid little attention to shaping public opinion and creating narratives to preserve the government, patriotism, national interests, and the strengthening of fundamental achievements. Not only did these institutions fail to fulfill their responsibilities, but a large number of religious schools, mosque pulpits, regular schools, and Sharia faculties became centers for promoting and spreading radical religious ideologies. Even in some of the country’s universities, flags of the armed opposition groups were raised by students. In Afghanistan, mullahs play the role of social leaders. Most of them, either knowingly or unknowingly, supported the anti-government narrative of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. Additionally, the history of this country over the past century has shown that Afghan villagers have risen against governments that sought modernization, and under the pretext of blasphemy, they overthrew them. This also caused a segment of the educated class in the country to support the narrative of the armed opposition groups against the government.

Overall, civil society institutions, cultural figures, and intellectuals in Afghanistan did not fulfill their responsibilities properly. Some civil society officials were dependent on foreign countries and acted according to their directives and interests. Moreover, a significant portion of Afghanistan’s civil society and cultural figures operated in large cities and failed to establish a connection between the government and the rural population. Some young people saw membership in civil society organizations as a bridge to connect with government officials and secure government positions. Consequently, they did not fulfill their primary duties. The lack of support from rural residents for urban culture was another factor that strengthened anti-urban sentiment in rural society and weakened support for the government. Over the past hundred years, villagers have triumphed over city dwellers in the struggle. In my opinion, urban culture and the spread of civilization in Afghanistan’s tribal society require a long-term program that should progress gradually. Whenever modernization in this country has been rapidly implemented from cities to villages, it has provoked a reaction from the villagers.

Similarly, the promotion of sycophantic culture toward government officials among the educated class became a bridge to power. Some experts and scholars were dissatisfied with this situation and did not support the government. Additionally, the imposition of ethnic culture, the falsification of historical narratives, and the coercion by Ashraf Ghani and his close circle caused the anti-insurgent group to refrain from supporting the government.

The prevailing culture and mindset among Afghan ethnic groups is that they do not accept the physical presence of foreign forces. The presence of foreign forces in this country became one of the reasons for the recruitment of armed opposition groups against the Afghan government. Jihadi groups, with the slogan of liberating Afghanistan from the presence of infidel occupying forces, engaged in war and resistance against them and the government, which they considered a puppet. The Jihadists propagated that with the strengthening of democracy in the country and the presence of foreign forces, the culture and religion of the people were at risk of destruction and needed to be saved. This prevailing mindset in society was one of the factors that strengthened the jihadi forces and weakened the Afghan government.

Misinterpretations and incorrect religious beliefs among the masses in Afghanistan are considered another cultural and social challenge in the country. This stems from a lack of awareness and low literacy levels in the society. Young people quickly become soldiers in the proxy wars of foreign powers and tools of political and ethnic leaders under the name of Islam and jihad. They fight each other to gain power, wealth, and more women. Some political doctrines of ethnic supremacists have historically created division among the ethnic groups in Afghanistan and have encouraged their tribes to engage in land grabbing, bullying, and belligerence. In some areas of the country, schools for boys have been intentionally closed, and hundreds of fictitious schools and thousands of fictitious teachers were created. Apart from the administrative corruption involved, one reason for this was to encourage young people to enroll in religious schools in Pakistan, thereby making them ethnic soldiers in Afghanistan. Ethnic issues in Afghanistan are a fundamental problem that must be addressed. This issue can only be resolved through an ethnic dialogue and the establishment of a democratic state in which ethnic discussions transform into citizenship. Unfortunately, ethnic supremacy is prevalent among the political, social, and cultural elites of the country’s tribes. For example, in November 2013, Ashraf Ghani, during a television program, said to the host of 1TV: “More than 98% of the prisoners in Afghanistan are speakers of one language, which is not balanced.” This is even though the crime is considered a personal act, and the perpetrator is imprisoned according to the laws in effect at the time. Ashraf Ghani intended for an ethnic quota system for imprisonment to be implemented as well. Once, during a gathering in Kandahar, he promised the people that if he became the president, he would release all prisoners of a particular language from Afghan government prisons. Apart from this, Ashraf Ghani and his ethnic supremacist allies threatened non-tribal ethnic groups with ethnic warfare and coercion. Ahmad Wali Massoud, the head of the Ahmad Shah Massoud Foundation, said in January 2018 in a television program broadcast by Ariana News: “When the constitutional Loya Jirga dragged on a bit, Dr. Ashraf Ghani told me in the presence of twenty people: ‘Remember, Ambassador, when I come to power, I will expel your people from this country either through ethnicity, by the sword, or by foreigners.’” Ashraf Ghani acted on these ethnic commitments and threats during his presidency. First, he released all prisoners of a particular language from Afghan government prisons. Second, he expelled political leaders belonging to non-aligned ethnic groups from the country using his tribe in collusion with foreigners. Third, according to Donald Trump, the United States left military equipment worth eighty-five billion dollars in Afghanistan. In the scenario planning for the handover of these weapons, Ashraf Ghani’s role should not be overlooked. This ethnic mindset and behavior are considered one of the main components of the instability of governments in Afghanistan. This mindset and behavior played a very prominent role in the collapse of the republic.

The comprehensive support of the United States and the international community for the twenty-year republic lifted Afghanistan from total global isolation, established a semi-democratic government and sovereignty, and educated a generation claiming democratic citizenship. It also brought about human rights, women’s freedom, freedom of expression, and the right to education and work to some extent. However, those who were the country’s political operators were unable or unwilling to make reasonable use of the opportunities that arose and to protect these values. With the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan, the country fell into the hands of armed opponents of the Afghan government, and the nascent democratic values of the Islamic Republic were transformed into the long-standing allegiance values of the Islamic Emirate.

Since foreign colonialists established the modern political geography of Afghanistan during the reign of Amir Abdur Rahman Khan, their role in the current changes and developments in the country cannot be disregarded. If the people of Afghanistan had known the importance of a democratic system, ways to reform it existed; however, the spectatorship and irresponsibility of the elites and the masses, on the one hand, and the corruption and personal and group rivalries of the rulers and politicians, on the other hand, led the United States and the interested and involved countries in Afghan affairs to decide on a change of government in the country because the ground for the resurgence of opponents of the republic had been facilitated domestically.

References

– Bashir Ahmad Ansari, (2015), Tribal Mentality, an Obstacle to Religion and Civilization. Publisher: Masoud Martyr Foundation, Mashhad – Iran. 

– Thomas Jefferson Barfield, (2019), A Cultural and Political History of Afghanistan. Translator: Abdullah Mohammadi, Publisher: Erfan, Tehran – Iran. 

– Martin Evans, (2017), Afghanistan: People and Politics. Translator: Sima Molaei, Publisher: Ghoqnous, Tehran – Iran.

– انتقاد سنا از بلند کردن پرچم داعش توسط دانشجویان در ننگرهار 

– Exclusive Interview with Ashraf Ghani 19.11.2013 گفتگوی ویژه با داکتر اشرف غنی احمدزی 

– MONAZERA 01 Jan 2018 | مناظره: بن بست حکومت وحدت ملی – جریان های سیاسی 

You can read the Persian version of this analysis here:

نقش عوامل فرهنگی – اجتماعی در فروپاشی دولت جمهوری اسلامی افغانستان | روزنامه ۸صبح