Striking project workers are changing Iran’s industrial landscape

Codir: What is the background to the current strike of project workers in the oil, gas and petrochemical sector in Iran?

Maziar Gilaninejad: The appalling working conditions in the oil fields and projects, the lack of compliance with labor laws and protection for workers in this sector, and the lack of an organization where workers could seek redress, led the union leadership of the Metalworkers and Mechanics Union of Iran (UMMI) to start a dialogue with these workers in 2016. In July 2018, a meeting of project workers was organized in Asaluyeh, which was severely repressed by the authorities, with several union activists arrested.

Learning from this setback, a new organisation was formed with an emphasis on training in trade union activism. This led to the formation of a core group of 35 project worker activists and the launch of a campaign for sustained industrial action in 2020. A total of 45,000 workers joined this strike and within two months all wage arrears were cleared and salaries were doubled.

In 2021, workers went on strike again demanding a 40 percent pay increase and a “20:10” working pattern (where workers would work for 20 days followed by 10 days of leave each month). A total of 125,000 project workers from the oil, gas and power plant sectors took part in this industrial action, which was the largest and most widespread strike since the 1979 revolution.

After another major strike in 2022, involving 65,000 workers, an agreement was reached with the contractors and local management for the implementation of the “20:10” working pattern, an eight-hour working day and overtime pay. The agreement also included timely payment of wages, a wage increase, proper insurance coverage, improved accommodation and canteen facilities, air-conditioned transportation and provision of good hygiene and sanitation services, all in line with the standards of the Ministry of Oil.

In 2023, workers continued to push for the full implementation of the “20:10” pattern, as well as a 79 percent wage increase due to skyrocketing inflation, the falling value of the national currency and the exorbitant cost of basic necessities.

Earlier this year, the union continued to push for a significant wage increase, but contractors resisted the demand. The union reiterated its call for the elimination of contractors from the oil and gas employment relationship and outlined its demands for a “14:14” working pattern that would better suit those working in the conditions typical of the sector. On June 21, the current wave of sustained industrial action began.

How common are contractor contracts in this sector and what obstacles do they pose to workers and union activities?

Unfortunately, temporary contracts have become a plague for all Iranian workers, especially project workers in the oil, gas and petrochemical sectors. Today, less than 3 percent of workers are directly or officially employed, mostly in senior and specialized positions or as office workers. Thus, workers have no sense of job security.

Ultimately, contractors disrupt and sever the interface between the employer (the oil company) and the workers, most of whom are often engaged in specialized and technical tasks that require a specific skill set. This means that these workers are excluded from the wages, benefits and conditions that their official, directly employed colleagues receive. They thus form a separate lower tier within the workforce, despite their skills and the tasks they are required to perform.

There is a downside, however. The lack of regulation can sometimes mean that project workers have more room to push through their demands, especially when they are organised and collaborative, for example by refusing to report back or resume their duties on their next shift after taking leave, as they are not contractually obliged to do so.

What is the relationship between these contractors and government agencies and can workers do business with them through these channels to obtain their union rights?

Small contractors do not have significant connections within the oil mafia, but their parent companies certainly do. They secure billions of dollars in profits through tenders. In turn, the oil mafia abuses its connections with the judiciary and the state. We still have a case pending, after legal experts from the Ministry of Labor were denied access to one of the petrochemical sites. Red tape often prevents workers from filing complaints.

Can you explain what practical experiences workers’ strikes have in improving working conditions and material conditions?

One of the most important achievements is the creation of more effective communication channels. Today, our name is known to most workers and we are called the “union”. Another experience we have gained is the use of certain common market practices, especially with regard to project workers in the oil and gas industry in the south. For example, without physical confrontation, just by leaving the work site, we have sent a clear message to employers that no project can be completed without skilled labor. Another achievement of ours is the dissemination of project news and contractor violations through social media platforms without any additional cost.

Through the union’s sustained efforts, we have seen significant improvements in working conditions, particularly in the oil and gas industry. A remarkable 2,000 percent increase in the average wage of welders; significant improvements in amenities such as food, sanitation and accommodation; and an increase in monthly leave from 10 to 14 days are among the major fruits of these efforts. However, challenges such as the non-compliance of certain facilities with oil company standards and the need to improve job security remain.

What methods were used to tackle the employers’ strikebreaking actions and how successful were they?

The outright refusal of workers to work for certain contractors has proven to be one of the most effective means for workers to counter the anti-strike actions of those contractors who try to resist change. However, contractors use various methods to frustrate this approach, such as changing the names of their companies or appointing their relatives as front managers to hide their anti-worker records. These tactics are quickly discovered and exposed. Of course, the conscientiousness of an unemployed worker who refuses to man the post of a striking brother is also considered one of the most effective ways to combat strike-breaking contractors.

Has UMMI been in contact with unions in other countries of the world regarding the current “14:14” campaign? And how can they help this campaign?

For ten years now, UMMI has been a full member of the global trade union IndustriALL. As with all the other industrial actions we have organised during this period, we have been supported by IndustriALL and all its affiliates, small and large trade unions working in the same field from all over the world. During the last two months, we have received constant support from the leadership of IndustriALL, the Metalworkers of Sweden and trade unions from Canada, Denmark, India, France and Australia. In Great Britain, there have been solidarity actions from GFTU and RMT. Their support is a great encouragement for us. At this point, it is enough for us to know that our counterparts internationally are aware of our struggle, its aims and the tense circumstances in which it is being waged. That we are not alone! The growing international awareness of our struggle is a source of great motivation and pride for us.

Codir would like to express his gratitude to Maziar Gilaninejad for answering our questions. We wish UMMI success in its campaign to ensure fairness and justice for its members ((www.codir.net).

CODIR

10 – Maziyar Guilaninejad and Kemal Ozkan