Manipur Issue: How Decades of Christianisation Ignited Today’s Conflict

Recently, several videos have gained popularity, presenting evidence that suggests US involvement in the ongoing crises in Manipur and Bangladesh. A reflection on the comments made by Bangladesh’s former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina a few months ago seems increasingly relevant and warrants serious consideration. On May 23, 2024, Hasina revealed that “a white person” had asked her to allow his country to establish a military base in Bangladesh, assuring her that if she agreed, she “wouldn’t have to worry about the upcoming election in January.” She further claimed that a plot was underway to create “a Christian state, like East Timor… by taking parts of Bangladesh (Chattogram) and Myanmar, with a base in the Bay of Bengal.” This plan, according to her, also included parts of Mizoram, Manipur, and other Northeastern states of India.

Theories have been circulating for some time, suggesting that the US is seeking to establish a foothold in this region, allegedly by creating an independent Christian ‘Zo’ state. This state would comprise areas of Bangladesh, Myanmar, Manipur, and Mizoram, inhabited by the Christian Kuki-Chin-Mizo people. Establishing a Christian-majority nation in a non-Christian region would provide a strategic stronghold for Western influence in Southeast Asia.

Additionally, it is noteworthy that certain sections of the Kuki population are heavily involved in poppy cultivation and drug trafficking from Myanmar. Currently, the same Christian Kukis, many of whom are illegal immigrants from Myanmar into Manipur, are in conflict with the native Meitei community, which is predominantly Hindu. It is believed that with the fall of Hasina, there are efforts to back the Christian Kukis, aiding them in creating a power base and establishing a drug trafficking corridor between India, Bangladesh, and Myanmar. This is exactly what Hasina had warned about.

Christianisation of Northeast India

Involvement of the US in the Northeast parts of India is not a recent development, having started as far back as the 19^th century. One of the major issues in the Northeast today is the rampant Christian conversions by Western evangelists, which have continued unabated since the 19^th century. This has significantly altered the demographics and socio-political landscape of at least three Northeast states—Mizoram, Nagaland, and Meghalaya—since India’s independence. Manipur, once a predominantly Hindu-Sanamahi state, now has a Christian population of 41 per cent, up from 8 per cent in 1931. While there are large populations of Hindus in urban areas, the hilly parts of Manipur are now mostly Christianised.

The Christian conversion menace entered northeast India around 1870, with the arrival of British and American evangelists; but the conversions were slow at that time. While British missionaries eventually gave up after encountering difficulties, American missionaries were relentless, continuing their efforts to convert the local population. These proselytisation efforts were largely carried out by imparting the so-called “superior Western form of education” through missionary schools, and by introducing Western concepts of ‘feminism’ among tribal women, which aimed at removing them from their age-old traditional roles. Owing to the persistent efforts, by 1931, the Christian population in the Northeast states rose to around 15 per cent.

Conversions were primarily achieved by offering special privileges and benefits to tribesmen who converted to Christianity, benefits that were denied to non-Christians. These new converts, seeing the advantages, remained loyal to the British government for their own gain and did not participate in the Indian nationalist movement. The British government, in turn, increased its funding to Christian missionaries to accelerate the conversion process in the Northeastern parts of India.

However, prior to the start of World War II, British and American influence in the Northeast weakened, and without political backing, the missionaries were soon forced to leave. As a result, the Northeast experienced a slight decline in Christianity between 1931 and 1941. However, things soon changed, and the 1940s and 1950s saw a significant surge in the spread of Christianity in Northeast India. During this period, Mizoram became 90 per cent Christian, while Nagaland became 46 per cent Christian.

There were two main reasons for this sudden spread of Christianity:

• The first reason was the arrival of the American Southern Baptist Church, which is extremely fanatic in its conversion methods. This church, which adheres closely to the original form of Christianity, is the same church that is currently present in Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh, conducting mass conversion programmes.
• The second reason was of course, Jawaharlal Nehru. He facilitated the rapid Christianisation of the Northeast after independence. In 1942, Britain’s Sir Reginald Coupland came to India to ensure that the missionary agenda in the Northeastern states continued uninterrupted, and that proselytisation would continue to maintain the loyalty of members of the ‘crown colony.’ It was at this time that Coupland planned a separate condominium comprising the Northeast states of India, and Burma, which had loyal Christian tribal hill people, and Nehru agreed. So, after independence, a scenario arose where tribal rights in the Northeast states were deliberately disregarded and became non-existent, while foreign evangelists were given free rein. Missionaries became Nehru’s “advisors,” and he simply followed their orders. One name that needs a special mention here is that of Dr Verrier Elwin, a Christian evangelist masquerading as an “anthropological advisor” to Nehru. Verrier and Nehru apparently signed an agreement that disallowed Hindu sadhus from entering Nagaland.

Conversions became a cakewalk after that.

Manipur Conflict Issue

As evangelists began their conversion activities in the Northeast states of India under British rule, the situation in Manipur was distinct from that in the other states. The Meiteis had a long history of ruling the state from ancient times, and it remained under a Hindu king, initially not coming under British control in Assam. Eventually, the British conquered Manipur in 1891, but the Hindu king remained in control, and the British agreed to keep Christian evangelists out of Manipur.

William Pettigrew, a young British missionary with the American Baptist Mission, eventually received permission to establish a school in Imphal, though he was not allowed to preach Christianity. However, around 1894, Pettigrew was granted permission to continue his evangelical work in the hilly areas of Manipur, particularly among the Tangkhul tribes. Thus began the conversion of animistic tribes in Manipur to Christianity, achieved through various baits, such as providing Western medical aid and education.

In 1901, Christians made up approximately 8 per cent of Manipur’s population, while Hindus constituted around 60 per cent. By 1991, the Christian population in Manipur had risen to 34.11 per cent, and by 2011, it was projected to be around 41 per cent. This sharp increase in the Christianisation of the hill tribes resulted in a wide socio-political-cultural gap between the Christian tribes of the Hills and the Hindu Meiteis of the valley, and has currently become a major source of socio-political rivalry between the two communities.

Manipur has seen many ethnic conflicts since the time of British rule, with various revolts led by the Naga and Kuki tribes under the colonial government. Like many borders in Northeast India, the hill areas of Manipur also had vague demarcations. When the British annexed Manipur in 1891, the hill areas were made part of the Imphal Valley, under the control of the Raja of Manipur. However, typical of their policy of divide and rule, the British subsequently separated portions of some hill ranges, such as the Chin Hills, Naga Hills, Cachar Hills, and Lushai Hills, thus dividing the hill communities by borders under the excuse of administrative and military ease. Also, as the British provided special privileges to converted tribes, the hilly areas that majorly converted to Christianity were a favoured lot, which opened up another crack between the communities living in Manipur.

Despite officially allowing the hill areas into Imphal Valley under the Raja of Manipur’s control in 1891, the British ensured that these areas remained under their de facto control via separate administrative tactics. This rather strange Valley-Hill administrative policy of ‘living separate yet together’ continued after 1947, with no changes even after 1949 when the princely state of Manipur joined the Indian Union. This divisive administrative mechanism resulted in wide socio-cultural and political fissures between the Meitei and Kuki communities.

Owing to these fissures created by the British, the hill tribes started a separatist movement in 1947 and demanded secession from Manipur. Unfortunately, the divisive games instigated by the British continued in free India, and when land laws were enacted in Manipur in 1960, the hill areas were made an exception. In simple terms, the land laws of Manipur do not apply to the hill areas, exacerbating the existing socio-political fissures.

In Manipur, the Meiteis are considered the majority and the most powerful ethnic group. Despite British and later Nehru-backed evangelism, Hinduism, largely practised by the Meiteis, remains the religion of the majority and is regarded as the oldest religion in the state. Among the hill tribes, the Nagas and the Kukis are the two main groups and are mostly Christian, while some still follow traditional animistic religions. Alongside these groups are the Meitei Pangals (Muslims), who are scattered across the hills and the valley.

The conflict between these groups has a long history, exacerbated by the British through their separate administrative policies, a system, unfortunately, continued by the Indian government after independence. Manipur has seen many conflicts, such as the Naga-Kuki conflict in 1993 and the Meitei-Pangal conflict in the same year. Meanwhile, tensions between the Meiteis and Nagas have simmered but not actively erupted into conflict.

The majority of Meiteis, who constitute nearly 50 per cent of Manipur’s population, are predominantly Vaishnavites and largely reside in the valley, or they occupy only one-tenth of the total geographical area of Manipur. Due to divisive administrative policies, particularly concerning land ownership, Meiteis and other non-tribal groups cannot purchase land in the hills. This region, which comprises nine-tenths of Manipur’s landmass, remains reserved for the Christian Scheduled Tribes.

Thus, the dominant group in Manipur, the Meiteis, is unable to settle in the hills. With recent large-scale illegal entries of Christian Kukis from Myanmar, there are serious concerns about a demographic shift in the state, which is bound to adversely impact the Hindu Meitei community’s claims on Manipur. This concern is why the Meiteis have repeatedly demanded Scheduled Tribe (ST) status for their community, aiming to protect their heritage and ancestral land.

The current conflict between the Hindu Meiteis and the Christian Kuki tribes was triggered by an order from the Manipur High Court directing the state to recommend Scheduled Tribe (ST) status for the Meitei community. Another factor exacerbating the conflict was the arrest of Mark Haokip, a Kuki separatist leader. Additionally, since the Kukis are heavily involved in illegal poppy cultivation and drug trade, which generates significant revenue, various Kuki tribal militant organisations are also inciting locals against the government’s anti-drug measures, further fuelling unrest in the state.

Manipur and other northeastern states of India are viewed as potential points within the golden triangle of a drug network involving Myanmar, Thailand, and Laos. Indeed, some towns in Manipur are already reported to have become important hubs for drug cultivation and trade due to the Kuki-Chin population; the Kuki-dominated Churachandpur district in Manipur is considered one of the worst-affected areas.

Estimates suggest that almost 80 per cent of the drugs smuggled into India originate in Myanmar. Chinese drug cartels are allegedly involved in the drug trade through Myanmar and are said to control the entry of drugs into India via the northeastern states. These drug cartels, many of which are controlled by ethnic militant organisations in Myanmar, also fund terrorist activities in India. The continuation of the drug trade is crucial for them to maintain their funding of terrorists in both India and Myanmar.

Since the 2021 Myanmar coup, there has been a continuous influx of refugees into India from Myanmar, a majority of whom are the Christian Kuki-Chin-Zomi tribes. These illegal immigrants have occupied protected areas and reserved forests, leading to the establishment of new villages. The government views this as a serious security threat. An eviction drive to remove these illegal encroachments from protected forest lands in hill areas has also led to clashes between the Kuki-Chin community and the state.

Meanwhile, the US has long been looking for a power base and corridor involving Northeast India, Bangladesh, and Myanmar, and their involvement appears to fit into place like the right pieces of a jigsaw puzzle, especially taking into context the recent removal of Bangladesh’s democratically elected leader, who had opposed the establishment of this Christian state corridor, as per her own words.

The author is a well-known travel and heritage writer. The views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18’s views.