The Link Between Narco-Terrorism and Jihadism in the West African Sahel

The Sahara and the Western Sahel region of Africa have long captured the Western imagination, known for their vast landscapes and rich cultural heritage. In recent decades, however, these areas have become synonymous with violence, instability and crime. The early 1990s marked a turning point for the Sahel region. Following the coup in Algeria, which saw the Islamic Salvation Front (ISF) banned after it won elections, the country descended into violence. During this period, jihadist groups emerged that later spread across the Sahara and the Sahel. The Arab Spring, combined with the Libyan Civil War and the fall of Muammar Gaddafi, further destabilized the region. The power vacuum created by Gaddafi’s ouster allowed armed groups, including jihadists and criminal networks, to flourish, making the Sahara a vulnerable zone.

The International Jihadist Mafia Circuit

Narcoterrorism refers to the use of drug trafficking to finance and support terrorist activities. The term was originally coined in the context of Latin American drug cartels, particularly in Colombia, where groups such as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) used profits from drug trafficking to fund their insurgency. Over time, narcoterrorism has evolved to describe the symbiotic relationship between global terrorist networks and the illicit drug trade, emphasizing how terrorist organizations exploit the lucrative drug market to sustain their activities.

The Sahara has become a focal point in the global narco-terrorism network, with a complex web of relationships between South American drug cartels, European mafias and jihadist groups. This criminal alliance is rooted in a history of collaboration between Marxist liberation movements and criminal organizations. In South America, groups like FARC have long traded cocaine for weapons, a practice that has now been extended to jihadist groups in Africa and Europe.

European mafias, particularly the ‘Ndrangheta in Italy, play a crucial role in facilitating the arms and drug trafficking that fuels jihadist activity. For example, the ‘Ndrangheta has been involved in smuggling weapons from Lebanon to Ireland for the IRA, and in money laundering with mutual funds. Spain’s Costa del Sol serves as a major distribution centre for these transatlantic drug routes. Drugs smuggled into Europe often include Mexican cocaine, Moroccan hashish and Afghan heroin in exchange for small arms from Eastern Europe that ended up on the black market during the Balkan conflicts.

The case of Guinea-Bissau and the expansion of drug routes

Guinea-Bissau, a small West African country, has gained international attention for its transformation into a major hub in the global drug trade, according to the 2023 UNODC Global Report on Cocaine. The roots of Guinea-Bissau’s descent into a narco-state can be traced to its history of political instability, poverty, and weak governance. The term narco-state refers to a country where drug trafficking has penetrated the highest levels of government, exerting significant influence on political and economic structures.

The country’s strategic location along the West African coast, particularly at the 10th parallel, makes it an ideal transit point for drug traffickers seeking to transport narcotics from South America to Europe and beyond. Guinea-Bissau’s extensive coastline and many uninhabited islands provide ample opportunities to unload and store drug shipments before they are transported inland or to other destinations.

By the early 2000s, Guinea-Bissau had become a central player in the cocaine trade, earning the dubious distinction of being a “narco-state.” In Guinea-Bissau, this phenomenon is illustrated by the involvement of high-ranking military and political officials in the drug trade, which has severely undermined the rule of law and fueled corruption at every level of society. These officials often work in partnership with international drug cartels, providing logistical support and security in exchange for a share of the profits. One of the most notorious figures in this illicit trade was Guinea-Bissau’s former chief of navy, Admiral José Américo Bubo Na Tchuto, who was designated a drug lord by the U.S. Treasury Department in 2010.

Impact on local communities and regional stability

Guinea-Bissau’s transformation into a narco-state has had devastating consequences for its people. The influx of drug money has done little to improve the lives of ordinary citizens, who continue to suffer from extreme poverty, lack of access to basic services, and crumbling infrastructure. Instead, the wealth generated by the drug trade has fueled corruption, increased inequality, and contributed to social breakdown.

The involvement of the military and political elite in drug trafficking has also led to a breakdown of the rule of law. Law enforcement agencies are often under-resourced and heavily compromised, making it nearly impossible to effectively combat drug-related crime. This environment of lawlessness has allowed criminal networks to operate freely, often with the protection or even active participation of state actors.

Regional effects

Guinea-Bissau’s rise as a major drug trafficking hub is not just a national problem, but a regional crisis with far-reaching implications for security across West Africa. The country’s porous borders and weak governance have made it an attractive gateway for transnational drug cartels, particularly those that transport cocaine from Latin America to Europe. The impact of this illicit trade extends beyond smuggling, however; it fuels instability by providing financial and material resources to jihadist groups operating in the region.

Jihadist organizations, such as those linked to Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and other extremist factions, have increasingly turned to drug trafficking as a major source of funding for their activities. The profits generated from drug trafficking allow these groups to purchase weapons, recruit fighters, and expand their influence in West Africa, particularly in the Sahel region.

This nexus between drug trafficking and terrorism is further reinforced by the use of Captagon, a powerful amphetamine that jihadists have adopted to increase the effectiveness of their fighters. Captagon itself is used by these groups to increase the aggression and endurance of their fighters during battle. The drug’s psychoactive effects reduce fear and increase violent tendencies, making jihadist attacks more ferocious and unpredictable.

Conclusion

The nexus between narcoterrorism and jihadism in the West African Sahel poses a serious challenge to both regional stability and global security. As drug trafficking networks and jihadist groups increasingly work together, their combined activities are intensifying violence, destabilizing governments, and exacerbating poverty in the region.

To address these issues, a multifaceted approach is essential. Strengthening governance and the rule of law in affected countries such as Guinea-Bissau should be a priority, with international efforts focused on reducing corruption and improving the capacity of security forces to combat human trafficking. Furthermore, fostering regional cooperation among West African countries can disrupt drug routes and jihadist activities. Finally, global initiatives, including intelligence sharing and coordinated operations between Africa, Europe and Latin America, should target the transnational drug and arms trafficking that sustains these terrorist groups.