Citizenship gives political dignity and accessibility to nomadic and denotified tribes

As a trainer, I regularly interact with a diverse group of people during workshops on democracy and the Indian Constitution — with youth, women and men from Nomadic and Denotified Tribes (NT-DNT), Adivasi and indigenous communities. I often ask them what their priorities are. Their answers include managing their home, solving their financial problems, having a career, providing security and opportunities for their children, building a home, accessing development, and so on. However, issues of citizenship are rarely mentioned.

Is citizenship—its access, participation, and practice—ever a priority in our aspirational thoughts? Are we able to prioritize citizenship among the myriad other responsibilities we have?

I believe, based on my own experiences as a woman from the criminalized and persecuted NT-DNT community, that citizenship is not just a responsibility and an achievement, but something that must be aligned with the ethics of Democratic and Constitutional values. It is something that must be practiced on a larger scale, as given to us by the feminist statement “The personal is political”. How we live our personal lives, and how we ensure that the country functions constitutionally, and with accountability and oversight as to whether human rights and fundamental rights are accessible to the last person in the social hierarchy, is part of being an active citizen.

In the context of vulnerable populations, citizenship is also a journey from dishonor to honor. This is especially true for Nomadic and Denotified Tribes (NT-DNT), who were declared criminals by British rulers in 1871 in retaliation for their strong resistance to colonial rule and for their role in India’s freedom struggle. The subsequent historical injustices, persecution, landlessness, resource deprivation, and vilification of their way of life—their culture, language, food habits, dress, livelihoods, and even appearance—have created a deep identity crisis, where they feel dishonorable in their own identity and existence. In a democratic country like India, for NT-DNT populations, the journey to access their citizenship is a journey to reclaim their honor.

Here are some examples of NT-DNT communities to give readers an idea of ​​their great diversity, unique professions, expertise, and also crushing vulnerability: Vaidu (making and selling medicines by the roadside), Nathpanthi Davri Gosavi (begging by showing images of gods and experts on geographical routes), Nandibailwale (bringing decorated bulls which are used in many religious functions), Potraj (performing their folk dance on the road and asking for alms in return), Berad (hunter-gatherers), Ghisadi (making iron tools and weapons by hand), Kolhati (acrobatic performers), Pardhi (hunters), Gondhali (performing at religious functions), Vadar (working with stone and earth), Bahurupi (artists, bookkeepers), Saap Garudi (expert snake keepers and performers), Vaghya Murali (religious performers), and so on.

Their journey to citizenship is fraught with barriers. Disasters, climate change, economic crises, social and political insecurity, appropriation of their cultural and intellectual property, false accusations, severe sexual violence and lynchings are almost constant experiences for NT-DNT communities. Their experience of poverty, hunger, mental health issues, sexual and reproductive health concerns, and gaps in access to education, health care, sanitation and other public services — are all at a much more severe level than other marginalized communities; this is due to the added layers of criminalization, landlessness, homelessness and the consequent endangerment of their languages, cultures and their very livelihoods.

The yawning gap between political dignity and accessibility for NT-DNT communities plays a major role here. There are no more than a handful of political representatives from these communities—who number almost 10% of India’s 1.4 billion people—at any level of government, from local to national. This situation is not just about political representation, but also indicates the very low access to social capital and political courage of these communities. It is not that the communities themselves lack courage; it has been eroded. There are regular reports of NT-DNT members facing lynchings, murders, and beatings to death simply for demanding their constitutional rights; in this situation, standing for election is a distant dream. One study (Motzhafi-Haller 2011) found that although most had no other official documents, many had voting cards. However, this did not guarantee any form of political influence; political leaders gave them voting cards during elections, which were then taken away after the polling period. There are no studies on this subject, but based on my observations over the years, not a single NT-DNT name has figured as a member of the executive committees, spokespersons or state committees of any political party — except perhaps one or two parties formed by progressive Dalit movements; they are not even mentioned in party manifestos or speeches. Without political access, there can be no journey to attain citizenship in a true and equal sense.

During my work through my organization Anubhuti and personally, as a trainer and researcher with over 25 different NT-DNT identity communities in the state of Maharashtra, and through numerous interactions with my family, community leaders, youth and women from these communities, several recommendations have emerged to enhance the political participation and access to citizenship of our people.

In the context of the ongoing elections in India, we present them here in the form of a manifesto for NT-DNT communities. They have emerged from interactions with over 20,000 NT-DNT individuals — conducted in the context of disasters such as Covid and floods, and during regular work on education, access to healthcare, sexual reproductive health, mental health issues, document creation and housing rights.

The NT-DNT Manifesto:

Nationwide Census to count NT-DNT populations separately. Without this data, there are many barriers to effectively planning and implementing budgetary provisions for their health, mental health, education, disaster relief, housing rehabilitation, or other support.

Laws such as the Wildlife Protection Act, 1972, anti-begging laws, Drugs and Cosmetics Act, 1940, Drugs and Magic Remedies (Objectionable Advertisements) Act, 1954 etc. tend to further criminalize NT-DNT populations who live and interact closely with plants and animals. Political will is needed to review these laws and their clauses to be cognizant and considerate of NT-DNT populations for whom these occupations associated with plants and animals are their traditional livelihoods.

Mob lynchings, sexual violence and atrocities are often experienced by these communities. However, relevant laws such as the SC/ST Atrocities Act do not include NT-DNT communities. Decision makers need to reconsider how NT-DNT populations can be given special protection from atrocities and human rights violations.

Although migration is part of the culture of NT-DNT communities, many families want to settle, seeking education, access to resources and development opportunities for their children. Their rehabilitation is key to their social and political stability. Decision makers must take ethical political responsibility and make efforts that prioritize the rehabilitation of NT-DNT communities, with land and housing rights.

There are many labour laws in India for the safety and rights of workers, such as the Sexual Harassment at the Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal Act, 2013) for safe workplaces. However, these are not accessible to nomadic women, children and men, who work in informal occupations such as begging, roadside gigging and door-to-door selling of goods and services. In such occupations, there are even greater opportunities for harassment and exploitation due to the extreme vulnerability and the nature of the work, which is done directly in the public eye and is so informal that it is very difficult to organise. Legislators, policymakers and practitioners need to consider how these laws and policies can be made more accessible and accountable to the unique realities of NT-DNT occupations; and how they can create support systems and sensitivity for these workers.

Special budgetary and implementation provisions should be made for disaster-affected NT-DNT families as they are one of the most at-risk groups due to floods, heavy rainfall, etc., as they live on risky grounds, directly in the open and in tents, which are susceptible to any disaster and can lead to extreme losses. Decision makers and service providers should pay focused attention to emergency response, accessible and dignified medical care, health care, shelter, food, safety and other amenities and benefits during disasters, to reach NT-DNT populations.

The provisions of the Mental Healthcare Act 2017 must be implemented with the needs of these communities in mind. They are at greater risk of mental health problems as a result of historical injustices and face disproportionate barriers – in terms of awareness, language, social difference and courage – to accessing mental health services.

NT-DNT populations lack identity, address and other documentation on a very large scale. This is due to various reasons including their nomadic lifestyle, their caste identity which changes from state to state, criminalization, neglect by relevant administrative officials etc. Lack of documentary evidence makes them ineligible for disaster benefits, subsidized food schemes, education, health care, toilets, housing, admissions, scholarships and most other basic amenities. Sensitive and proactive political and administrative will is required to support these communities in getting their documentation.

All relevant decision makers must be accountable for whether NT-DNT populations are included in the country’s budget planning and provision; for allocations and implementation of accessible, dignified and accountable services; and for monitoring budgetary provisions for education, sexual and reproductive health rights, housing, culture, arts preservation, language preservation and various other needs.

Guidelines should be given to the police to be considerate of NT-DNT communities and strictly refrain from arbitrary arrests, detentions and violence against them. Special attention should also be given to NT-DNT families living in their jurisdiction.

These can serve as a reference point for political parties, elected leaders, policy makers and civil society – as direct voices from the community, as their efforts to participate and perform as citizens.

Deepa Pawar is Managing Trustee and Founder Director of Anubhuti Trust